Hierarchies in the Genitive of Negation

Timberlake, Alan

doi:10.2307/306765

Cited by 134 publications

(48 citation statements)

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“…In contemporary Russian the choice between the two cases is determined by multiple factors, which either work in the same direction or conflict with each other (Restan (1960), Safarewiczowa (1960, Timberlake (1986), Mustajoki & Heino (1991), Bailyn (1997), Padučeva (2006)). The question arises as to what extent each of the alternative case forms can be predicted on the basis of these factors.…”

Section: Research Background: Between Obligatory Distribution and Optmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…An explanation for this is suggested by Timberlake (1986), who analyzes this phenomenon according to the relationship between aspect and the scope of negation. In constructions with imperfective verbs the scope of negation covers the verb and the object ("the whole event, including the object participant", Timberlake 1986: 348); with perfective verbs the scope of negation is "the end point of the action, not the whole event".…”

Section: Not [Ipfv]read-pst Paper[plgen]mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Changing semantic factors in case selection: Russian evidence from the last two centuries

et al. 2010

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We present a corpus-based study of variation in case assignment of the direct object of negated verbs in Russian over the past 200 years. Superficially the system of case forms available over this relatively short period has remained largely the same, but the way in which certain cases are used has been radically altered. This is particularly apparent in the treatment of the direct object of negated verbs. We argue that various semantic factors have been involved in bringing about this change, and that the role and significance of these factors has been changing over the period under investigation. This has implications for our understanding of the role of semantics in case assignment. Genitive/accusative variation in RussianIn modern Russian we observe variation in the case used to mark the direct object of a negated verb, either accusative (1a) or genitive (1b). The corresponding sentence without negation, as in (2), requires the accusative for the direct object, with no other choice possible: In earlier periods, the distribution of the two cases with direct objects was clear-cut: the genitive marked the object of negated verbs, while the accusative marked the object of non-negated verbs. In other words, only constructions such as (2) and (1b) were allowed, while (1a) was ungrammatical. This started to change in the late seventeenth -early eighteenth centuries, when isolated instances of accusative objects governed by transitive verbs under negation appeared (Taubenberg 1958: 6; Borkovskij 1978: 327), though it was not until the early 19 th century that a noticeable number of examples started to appear (Bulaxovskij 1954: 349-350). Even then the expansion of the accusative was rather slow. As our data from the early 19 th century indicate (Figure 1), at that time only 11% of the constructions with a negated transitive verb had their direct object in the accusative case, while in the second half of the 19 th century the frequency of the accusative in such constructions is only slightly higher (14%). In contrast, by the end of the 20 th century the split between accusative and genitive use 1 was more or less equal: 49% of the constructions with a negated transitive verb have their direct object in the accusative case. 1 The research is based on the corpus compiled by Adrian Barentsen (University of Amsterdam). Sub-corpora sizes used for this study are as follows (in number of words with respect to periods): 1801-1850 -684549, 1851-1900 -431325, 1901-1950 -419775, 1951-2000 -997352. 2 A variety of factors account for the direct object case in this construction. Thus in (3) the use of the genitive (the older type of case assignment) is still strongly favoured in the modern language with particular lexico-semantic classes of verbs, for example with verbs of possession. On the contrary, with animate objects, as in (5), the genitive has been almost completely ousted by the innovative accusative forms. However the majority of direct objects governed by negated verbs may take both cases, as in (4), and the ...

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Section: Research Background: Between Obligatory Distribution and Optmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Not [Ipfv]read-pst Paper[plgen]mentioning

confidence: 99%

Changing semantic factors in case selection: Russian evidence from the last two centuries

et al. 2010

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“…Before I turn to listing these factors, it is important to emphasize that all of them merely constitute tendencies in the choice of Case. The existence of some of these tendencies has been noted by Timberlake (1986), Neidle (1988), Bailyn (1997) and Babyonyshev (2003) ii) Number In addition, genitive is more often assigned to plural NPs than to singular ones. Thus, Genitive of Negation is acceptable in (6a) but not in (6b).…”

Section: Intensional Genitive and Genitive Of Negation As A Single Phmentioning

confidence: 91%

Property-Denoting NPs and Non-Canonical Genitive Case

Kagan¹

2007

SALT

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“…46 L'une des réponses possibles aux problèmes liés à l'EI (au delà les types de prédicats) repose sur le fait que l'interprétation indéfinie d'un SN est due, de façon caractéristique, a Timberlake (1975). En effet, Timberlake propose de distinguer l'emploi de l'accusatif de celui du « génitif de négation » en faisant appel à la notion d' individuation (ce qui apparait aussi chez Hooper & Thompson (1980), dans sa hiérarchie de la transitivité, où une plus grande individuation correspond à une plus grande transitivité).…”

Section: 22l'assignation De Casunclassified

La négation et l’hypothèse inaccusative

Hernández-Paricio¹

1994

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Hierarchies in the Genitive of Negation

Cited by 134 publications

References 1 publication

Changing semantic factors in case selection: Russian evidence from the last two centuries

Changing semantic factors in case selection: Russian evidence from the last two centuries

Property-Denoting NPs and Non-Canonical Genitive Case

La négation et l’hypothèse inaccusative

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