Hispanic Concentrated Poverty in Traditional and New Destinations, 2010–2014

Ludwig-Dehm, Sarah; Iceland, John

doi:10.1007/s11113-017-9446-0

Cited by 17 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 29 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…Spatial assim i la tion mod els pre dict inter gen er a tional changes in the types of places where fam i lies reside, with neigh bor hood qual ity and socio eco nomic attain ment pos i tively asso ci ated with immi grant gen er a tion (Alba and Logan 1991;Alba and Nee 2009). However, such mod els do not typ i cally account for dif fer ences in the cost of liv ing and have been com pli cated by the emer gence of new, dis pro por tion ately rural immi grant des ti na tions (Crowley et al 2006;Kandel and Parrado 2005;Lichter and Johnson 2009;Lichter et al 2012;LudwigDehm and Iceland 2017;Marrow 2020). These new des ti na tions not only rep re sent dif fer ent assim i la tion con texts than tra di tional gate ways, but they are also char ac ter ized by unique polit i cal and insti tu tional struc tures, costs of liv ing, and other such fac tors that influ ence well-being (Carr et al 2012;Hall 2013;Light 2006).…”

Section: Conceptual Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

Unequal From the Start? Poverty Across Immigrant Generations of Hispanic Children

2021

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Recent cohorts of U.S. children increasingly consist of immigrants or the immediate descendants of immigrants, a demographic shift that has been implicated in high rates of child poverty. Analyzing data from the 2014–2018 Current Population Survey and using the U.S. Census Bureau's Supplemental Poverty Measure, we describe differences in child poverty rates across immigrant generations and assess how these disparities are rooted in generational differences in the prevalence and impact of key poverty risk factors. Our estimates show that poverty rates among Hispanic children are very high, particularly among first-generation children and second-generation children with two foreign-born parents. Low family employment is the most significant risk factor for poverty, but the prevalence of this risk varies little across immigrant generations. Differences in parental education account for the greatest share of observed intergenerational disparities in child poverty. Supplemental comparisons with third+-generation non-Hispanic White children underscore the disadvantages faced by all Hispanic children, highlighting the continued salience of race and ethnicity within the U.S. stratification system. Understanding the role of immigrant generation vis-à-vis other dimensions of inequality has significant policy implications given that America's population continues to grow more diverse along multiple social axes.

show abstract

Section: Conceptual Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

Unequal From the Start? Poverty Across Immigrant Generations of Hispanic Children

2021

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…). Ludwig‐Dehm and Iceland () found that metro‐level differences play an important role in shaping segregation and poverty outcomes. In the case of black and white neighborhood attainment, South et al.…”

Section: Theoretical Perspectives On Residential Attainmentmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Beyond individual-level influences on locational attainment, recent scholarship suggests that individual residential attainments are partly a consequence of the metropolitan context in which different neighborhoods are embedded (South et al 2012). Ludwig-Dehm and Iceland (2017) found that metro-level differences play an important role in shaping segregation and poverty outcomes. In the case of black and white neighborhood attainment, South et al (2012) have documented that around one-third of the variation in blacks' and whites' exposure to non-Hispanic white neighbors is attributable to their location in different metropolitan areas.…”

Section: Variation By Metropolitan Areamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…An emerging literature has documented the role of metropolitan factors in shaping residential opportunities for blacks and whites as well as for new immigrants (Frank and Akresh 2016;Pais et al 2012;South et al 2012). The multilevel data structure of the NIS allows us to determine whether any observed differences in Hispanic immigrants' ability to convert SES to residential attainment relative to their non-Hispanic white counterparts can be explained by the ecological characteristics of the metropolitan areas in which these neighborhoods are embedded (indeed, some evidence of these patterns has been shown in recent work; Crowell and Fossett 2017;Ludwig-Dehm and Iceland 2017). This question is particularly relevant in light of high levels of geographic diversification among the contemporary Hispanic immigrant population (Brown and Lopez 2013;Massey and Capoferro 2010).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

Differential Returns?: Neighborhood Attainment among Hispanic and Non–Hispanic White New Legal Permanent Residents

Akresh

Frank

2018

City & Community

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

We use data from the New Immigrant Survey to examine patterns of residential attainment among Hispanic immigrants who recently became legal permanent residents (LPRs) relative to new LPR non-Hispanic white immigrants. We focus on whether these Hispanic and non-Hispanic white immigrants differ in their ability to transform human capital into residential advantage. Our results suggest that the answer depends on the neighborhood attribute in question. When predicting residence in tracts with relatively more non-Hispanic whites, the answer is yes, with evidence in support of the place stratification model of residential attainment. We find that non-Hispanic white immigrants have access to relatively whiter neighborhoods than their Hispanic immigrant counterparts, irrespective of differences in education levels. When assessing Hispanic immigrants' ability to enter socioeconomically advantaged neighborhoods, however, the differences we observe are mostly accounted for by compositional differences in sociodemographic and acculturation factors. Taken together, our findings suggest that Hispanic immigrants are more similar to their white immigrant counterparts when it comes to converting higher education into higher income neighborhoods than into increased residential integration with whites; although their exposure to more socioeconomically advantaged neighborhoods at all levels of education remains lower than that of their white immigrant counterparts.

show abstract

“…Working draft-Please do not cite or quote without author's permission hundred years (Lin and Harris 2008;Ludwig-Dehm and Iceland 2017;O'Connell 2012;Patterson 2019;Thiede and Brooks 2018). W.E.B.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Beyond Behavior: Prevalences, Penalties, and Ethno-racial Inequalities in Poverty

Nicholson¹

2021

Preprint

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Ethno-racial differences in poverty are substantial and persistent in the US. To explain these differences, scholars have relied largely on behavioral explanations, which argue that poverty is the result of high prevalences of problematic behaviors or “risks.” Given substantial differences in the prevalence of risks, scholars intuit that ethno-racial differences in poverty are explained by disproportionately high prevalences of risks in Black and Latino populations. However, these approaches rely heavily on untested assumptions regarding the relationship between risks and poverty rates. Using the 1993-2016 Current Population Survey and the Urban Institute’s TRIM3 model to derive high-quality estimates of income and poverty, I confirm persistent and substantial ethno-racial differences in poverty. Next, I employ a prevalences and penalties framework to compare risks in Black, Latino, and white-lead households. This framework is then leveraged to estimate counterfactual models to predict Black and Latino poverty rates given alternative prevalences of risks. The findings demonstrate that if the prevalence of risks for Black and Latino Americans was equal that of whites, poverty rates would remain over twice as high for Black and Latino individuals compared to whites. Furthermore, even when risks are eliminated for Black and Latino Americans, poverty remains substantially higher compared to whites. These findings undermine behavioral approaches to understanding poverty and point to the need for scholars to pursue alternatives, including structural and political explanations.

show abstract

Hispanic Concentrated Poverty in Traditional and New Destinations, 2010–2014

Cited by 17 publications

References 29 publications

Unequal From the Start? Poverty Across Immigrant Generations of Hispanic Children

Unequal From the Start? Poverty Across Immigrant Generations of Hispanic Children

Differential Returns?: Neighborhood Attainment among Hispanic and Non–Hispanic White New Legal Permanent Residents

Beyond Behavior: Prevalences, Penalties, and Ethno-racial Inequalities in Poverty

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About