This article explores the relationship between civil-military relations and political change. Transitions to democracy in Latin America have led scholars to focus attention on the legacy of military rule and those efforts aimed at securing democratic control of the military. The article examines the foundations of civilian supremacy in Mexico, established within the context of a hegemonic party system. Changes brought about in the civil-military balance as a result of shifts in the division of labour between civilians and soldiers, as well as the impact of political liberalisation, are also analysed. Drawing on the experience of other transitions to democracy, the article discusses some of the issues raised by the dismantling of hegemonic rule for civil-military relations in Mexico.The debate about the magnitude and the rhythm of political change in Mexico over the past years has been reflected in an extensive literature. A great deal of this debate has focused, first, on the political implications of the economic crisis and the subsequent economic adjustment. Secondly, the role of political parties and civil society in the process of political change has also received considerable attention. Another theme which has been thoroughly analysed is that of the difficulties and dilemmas of a process of change taking place within a highly institutionalised dominant party system. 1 In contrast, the role of the armed forces has been little discussed. It was only with the uprising in Chiapas in January 1994 that the place of the armed forces in the liberalisation process entered the public debate. Since 1988 not only the debate and analysis of political change, but also the various proposals for political reform had practically ignored the question of the armed forces. This was to a great extent the consequence of a pattern of civil-military relations whose stability and 1 Although the 1994 presidential elections have been characterised as clean and transparent, in the aftermath of the elections evidence pointing to numerous irregularities increased. Despite this, and doubts about the fairness of competition, to the extent that free and transparent elections did not oust the PRI (Partido Revolucionario Institutional) Mexico could be placed into Sartori's category of 'fake dominant party system'. See M. Serrano, 'The end of hegemonic rule?', in N. Harvey and M. Serrano (eds.),