2019
DOI: 10.1007/978-3-030-22176-8_11
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Historical Culture and Peace: How Older Generations Address the Need of Younger Generations to Learn About Their In-Group Past

Abstract: This chapter has three aims. First, it aims to disentangle social denial of in-group responsibilities for intergroup violence from other types of silence about intergroup violence. Secondly, it argues that intergenerational narratives which omit information about in-group responsibilities for violence that occurred before the birth of younger generations are highly risky to the descendants of perpetrators. Finally, it emphasises the importance of exploring in greater depth the understudied moment when a litera… Show more

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Cited by 1 publication
(1 citation statement)
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“…First, guardians and children’s postgenocide perception of outgroups appeared to be shaped by a wide range of influences outside the family including daily social interactions and formal programming such as ingando , political reeducation camps intended to de-ethnicize Rwandan society (Purdekova, 2015) and government propaganda (Blouin & Mukand, 2019)—all under the ostensible narrative of national unity. Beyond these extra-familial influences, it is also plausible that in both survivor and génocidaire households, the pervasive insecurity about discussing ethnicity (Hilker, 2009) coupled with the fear of what such discussions may stir-up about family members’ experiences during and after the genocide (e.g., imprisonment for atrocities committed, death of family members) stifled formative conversations at home about intergroup relations (Leone & Sarrica, 2020). This reticence or “chosen amnesia”—a deliberate forgetting deemed “essential for local existence” (Buckley-Zistel, 2006, p. 134)—pragmatically served to maintain harmony in families and the community-at-large.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…First, guardians and children’s postgenocide perception of outgroups appeared to be shaped by a wide range of influences outside the family including daily social interactions and formal programming such as ingando , political reeducation camps intended to de-ethnicize Rwandan society (Purdekova, 2015) and government propaganda (Blouin & Mukand, 2019)—all under the ostensible narrative of national unity. Beyond these extra-familial influences, it is also plausible that in both survivor and génocidaire households, the pervasive insecurity about discussing ethnicity (Hilker, 2009) coupled with the fear of what such discussions may stir-up about family members’ experiences during and after the genocide (e.g., imprisonment for atrocities committed, death of family members) stifled formative conversations at home about intergroup relations (Leone & Sarrica, 2020). This reticence or “chosen amnesia”—a deliberate forgetting deemed “essential for local existence” (Buckley-Zistel, 2006, p. 134)—pragmatically served to maintain harmony in families and the community-at-large.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%