HIV and AIDS-related stigma and discrimination: a conceptual framework and implications for action

Parker, Richard; Aggleton, Peter

doi:10.1016/s0277-9536(02)00304-0

Cited by 2,106 publications

(1,975 citation statements)

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Section: Focus Of Analysis: Mapping the Terrain Of Stigma And Prejudicementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Modern legitimations are more subtle but remain powerful. Stigma and prejudice based on exploitation/domination may not be completely eliminated without changes to the power hierarchy (Parker and Aggleton 2003). Similarly, stigma and prejudice based on norm enforcement may be difficult to eradicate without changes in social norms.…”

Section: Distinctions and Commonalities In Stigma/prejudice Processesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Each of our three types of stigma and prejudice can be construed as threats (domination/exploitation defends against the threat of loss of power and economic advantage; norm enforcement defends against the threat of social disorder and harm to group members; and disease avoidance defends against the threat of infection). However, particularly for exploitation/domination, models that emphasize the role of power and status differences in stigma and prejudice (Feagin 2000;Fiske et al 2002;Link and Phelan 2001;Parker and Aggleton 2003) provide a more accurate representation, we believe, of what is at stake for the perpetrators of this type of stigma and prejudice. Accordingly, the function of stigma and prejudice based on exploitation and domination is the desire to maintain advantage rather than the threat of losing advantage.…”

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confidence: 90%

“…These in turn affect targets' life outcomes, such as status, self-esteem, work, housing, academic achievement, and health, as described in Column 6. Column 6 also includes such outcomes for perpetrators, because as suggested by models emphasizing conflict and domination (Feagin 2000;Parker and Aggleton 2003), when targets lose in terms of outcomes such as work, housing, and income, perpetrators gain.Figure 1 reveals considerable variation between models in terms of the processes they focus on. Stigma models place somewhat more emphasis on targets, particularly in terms of stereotypes/expectations, identity and emotions (Column 3).…”

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confidence: 99%

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Stigma and prejudice: One animal or two?

Phelan¹,

Link²,

Dovidio

2008

Social Science & Medicine

613

437

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In light of increasing cross-communication and possible coalescence of conceptual models of stigma and prejudice, we reviewed 18 key models in order to explore commonalities and possible distinctions between prejudice and stigma. We arrive at two conclusions. First, the two sets of models have much in common (representing "one animal"); most differences are a matter of focus and emphasis. Second, one important distinction is in the type of human characteristics that are the primary focus of models of prejudice (race) and stigma (deviant behavior and identities, and disease and disabilities). This led us to develop a typology of three functions of stigma and prejudice: exploitation and domination (keeping people down); norm enforcement (keeping people in); and disease avoidance (keeping people away). We argue that attention to these functions will enhance our understanding of stigma and prejudice and our ability to reduce them. Keywords stigma; prejudice; conceptual models; race; disease; disability "Ethnic prejudice is an antipathy based upon a faulty and inflexible generalization. It may be felt or expressed. It may be directed toward a group as a whole, or toward an individual because he is a member of that group" (Allport 1954: 9). "Stigma … is the situation of the individual who is disqualified from full social acceptance" (Goffman 1963: preface). The stigmatized individual is "reduced in our minds from a whole and usual person to a tainted, discounted one" (Goffman 1963: 3).So are the terms "prejudice" and "stigma" defined by the authors who gave life to eachAllport publishing The Nature of Prejudice in 1954 and Goffman Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity in 1963. Since then, largely separate literatures have developed around the two concepts. However, there is evidence that these literatures have begun to coalesce. Increased attention by prejudice researchers to the targets of prejudice in the 1990s (Crocker and Garcia 2006) brought greater overlap to work on stigma and prejudice. The concepts of stigma, prejudice, and discrimination increasingly are used by the © 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Corresponding Author: Dr. Jo Phelan jcp13@columbia.edu. Publisher's Disclaimer: This is a PDF file of an unedited manuscript that has been accepted for publication. As a service to our customers we are providing this early version of the manuscript. The manuscript will undergo copyediting, typesetting, and review of the resulting proof before it is published in its final citable form. Please note that during the production process errors may be discovered which could affect the content, and all legal disclaimers that apply to the journal pertain. NIH Public Access NIH-PA Author ManuscriptNIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript same authors in the same texts (e.g., Heatherton et al. 2000;Levin and Van Laar 2006). In 2006, the National Institute of Mental Health brought together prejudice and stigma researchers to address the problem of mental-illness stigma. This special i...

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Section: Focus Of Analysis: Mapping the Terrain Of Stigma And Prejudicementioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Distinctions and Commonalities In Stigma/prejudice Processesmentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 90%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Stigma and prejudice: One animal or two?

Phelan¹,

Link²,

Dovidio

2008

Social Science & Medicine

613

437

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“…However, the forces pushing some women to the margins of this research also include social determinants such as discrimination and stigmaincluding HIV-related stigma, homophobia and transphobia -and lack of power due to economic or gender-related inequalities which collectively undermine the reproductive rights of those not conforming to social expectations. 4,5 Exclusion or non-representation of marginalized women from the fertility-related research agenda may have negative consequences, particularly because pregnancy-related risks and challenges may be different or amplified among certain subsets of women. Prevention of unwanted pregnancy is important for all women who are not imminently hoping to expand their family.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Fertility-related research needs among women at the margins

Schwartz¹,

Baral

2015

Reproductive Health Matters

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Fertility-related research encompasses fertility intentions, preconception care, research amongst pregnant women, and post-partum outcomes of mothers and children. However, some women remain underrepresented within this domain of study. Women frequently missing within fertility-related research include those who are already the most vulnerable to health disparities, including female sex workers, lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender women, women living with HIV, and women who use drugs. Yet characterization of the needs of these women is important, given their unique fertility-related concerns, including risks and barriers to care emanating from social stigmas and discrimination. This synthesis provides an overview of fertility-related evidence, highlighting where there are clear research gaps among marginalized women and the potential implications of these data shortfalls. Overall, research among marginalized women to date has addressed pregnancy prevention and in some cases fertility intentions, but the majority of studies have focused on postconception pregnancy safety and the well-being of the child. However, among female sex workers specifically, data on pregnancy safety and the well-being of the child are largely unavailable. Within each marginalized group, preconception care and effectiveness of conception methods are consistently understudied. Ultimately, the absence of epidemiologic, clinical and programmatic evidence limits the availability and quality of reproductive health services for all women and prevents social action to address these gaps.

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HIV/AIDS Stigma: Historical Perspectives on Sexually Transmitted Diseases

McGough¹

2005

AMA Journal of Ethics

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In 1728, the impoverished Flora Price applied to her local parish churchwardens in London for assistance. Charitable support was provided at local parishes to carefully screened applicants. During her interview, she admitted that she suffered from the "pox," the common term for sexually transmitted diseases before physicians clinically distinguished between syphilis and gonorrhea. Instead of entering a hospital, she was sent to a workhouse, an institution created to correct "idleness," which at the time was widely regarded as the root cause of poverty. At the workhouse, she received mercury treatments for her illness. Her male contemporaries, however, were far more likely than indigent females to be admitted to hospitals, which provided bed rest in addition to mercury treatment. Female patients suffering from this "foul disease" did not win the sympathy of churchwardens as easily as male patients did. All poor patients, male and female, had to suffer the indignity of publicly admitting their diagnosis. Meanwhile, wealthy patients could afford private, confidential treatment with minimal, if any, loss to their reputations [1].

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HIV and AIDS-related stigma and discrimination: a conceptual framework and implications for action

Cited by 2,106 publications

References 32 publications

Stigma and prejudice: One animal or two?

Stigma and prejudice: One animal or two?

Fertility-related research needs among women at the margins

HIV/AIDS Stigma: Historical Perspectives on Sexually Transmitted Diseases

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