Hobson's choice? Constraints on accessing spaces of creative production in a transforming industrial conurbation

Abstract

Successful creative production is often documented to occur in urban areas that are more likely to be diverse, a source of human capital and the site of dense interactions. These accounts chart how, historically, creative industries have clustered in areas where space was once cheap in the city centre fringe and inner city areas, often leading to the development of a creative milieu, and thereby stimulating further creative production.Historical accounts of the development of creative areas demonstrate the crucial role of accessible low-cost business premises. This article reports on the findings of a case study that investigated the location decisions of firms in selected creative industry sectors in Greater Manchester. The study found that, while creative activity remains highly concentrated in the city centre, creative space there is being squeezed and some creative production is decentralizing in order to access cheaper premises. The article argues that the location choices of creative industry firms are being constrained by the extensive city centre regeneration, with the most vulnerable firms, notably the smallest and youngest, facing a Hobson's choice of being able to access low-cost premises only in the periphery.This disrupts the delicate balance needed to sustain production and begs the broader question as to how the creative economy fits into the existing urban fabric, alongside the competing demands placed on space within a transforming industrial conurbation.

Close to the ‘local cool’: creative place reputation in Dutch ‘ordinary cities’

“…Noticeably, many creatives work outside of the world's metropolises, and many of these places are competing to attract creatives (Brown 2015). Creative places in these second or third tier cities can have advantages compared to their metropolitan counterparts, for example in providing affordable studios (Champion 2010). Yet, empirical research also demonstrates that they are sometimes considered just a step towards 'graduating' towards a more appealing area in order to obtain more high-profile clients or develop a more attractive brand (Champion 2010).…”

“…Creative places in these second or third tier cities can have advantages compared to their metropolitan counterparts, for example in providing affordable studios (Champion 2010). Yet, empirical research also demonstrates that they are sometimes considered just a step towards 'graduating' towards a more appealing area in order to obtain more high-profile clients or develop a more attractive brand (Champion 2010). Similarly, the research of Brown (2015) on Birmingham's creative workers' locational decision-making indicates that the primary factor leading to migration was mostly serendipitous, not so much the appeal of urban amenities or the 'quality of place'.…”

“…Consequently, being part of a networked place is being part of a 'cool place' (Pratt 2002), or, in the words of Thomas [Digital and Entertainment Media]: 'The big buildings and visibility and being part of a very large network of people, that has a certain coolness factor.' In the absence of the global metropolitan creative appeal, the network of the 'local cool' thus serves as a distinguishing appeal of creative places in 'ordinary' cities (see also Champion 2010).…”

The effect of film production studios on housing prices in Atlanta, the Hollywood of the South

“…Because much of film and television work is project-based, contractual and time-dependent, there is an incentive for workers and related businesses to cluster near sites that generate work opportunities (Collins and Power, 2019;Kra¨tke, 2002;Murphy et al, 2015). The desire to live among other creatives may create a reinforcing flow of cultural industry participants to the neighbourhood (Champion, 2010;Drinkwater and Platt, 2016;Ley, 2003). Also, suppose the film industry carries a cachet, then even house buyers who do not work in the film industry may be attracted to the area and be willing to pay a premium to live there, similar to those attracted to arts neighbourhoods (Cameron and Coaffee, 2005;Champion, 2010;Ley, 2003).…”

“…The desire to live among other creatives may create a reinforcing flow of cultural industry participants to the neighbourhood (Champion, 2010;Drinkwater and Platt, 2016;Ley, 2003). Also, suppose the film industry carries a cachet, then even house buyers who do not work in the film industry may be attracted to the area and be willing to pay a premium to live there, similar to those attracted to arts neighbourhoods (Cameron and Coaffee, 2005;Champion, 2010;Ley, 2003). This could lead to higher housing prices and, possibly, displacement of lower-income residents.…”