Household transitions between ages 5 and 15 and educational outcomes: Fathers and grandparents in Peru

Abstract

BACKGROUNDLatin America has high rates of single motherhood and intergenerational coresidence, resulting in children experiencing changes in household composition -particularly with respect to fathers and grandparents. In other contexts, such changes have been shown to influence educational outcomes. OBJECTIVETo test if the presence of grandparents and fathers in the household are differentially associated with educational outcomes during schooling years in Peru. METHODSYoung Lives longitudinal data consist of around 2,000 children who were followed from age 1 to age 15 between 2002 and 2017. Using value-added and child fixed effects models, I examine if the number of changes in household structure involving fathers and grandparents, the type of change (exit or entrance), and the identity of the household members are associated with cognitive outcomes. Persistence was tested as well as heterogeneous associations by child's age at transition and disadvantage. RESULTSMore than half the children experienced a change in household composition between ages 5 and 15. Father separation was associated with worse cognitive scores and lower likelihood of being on-grade. This was strongest if separation occurred when children were older. Grandparent presence in the household was not as strongly correlated with child outcomes, but results suggest that children have better cognitive performance after grandparent separation from the household. Associations between household composition and child outcomes were stronger if children were disadvantaged. CONTRIBUTIONThis research provides evidence that fathers and grandparents are both important contributors to child educational outcomes in a context where three-generational households are common.

Family Change in Latin America: Schooling and Labor Market Implications for Children and Women

“…We connect these results with existing studies for the United States, and several Latin American and Caribbean countries which had relied on longitudinal data and causalityoriented research designs (Bernal, 2008;Bernal & Keane, 2011;S. Reynolds et al, 2018;S. Reynolds, 2022).…”

“…These family patterns could be consequential for child development. Previous studies indicate that children that experienced parental separation display worse cognitive outcomes in Chile compared to those who did not (S. Reynolds, 2022). As a unique feature of Latin American and Caribbean countries, however, a large proportion of these women co-reside with other relatives in an extended household (Esteve, García-Román, et al, 2012), which urge studies to consider family context more broadly beyond union stability and include the presence of other adults such as grandparents (S. Reynolds et al, 2018).…”

Household structure across childhood in four lower- and middle-income countries

“…We also note that our definition of transitions does not include moving location: The same household structure could have moved between rounds, but this would not have been counted as a transition. This approach has been used elsewhere (Craigie et al 2012;Reynolds 2022). Finally, we do not examine the cause of the transition: In the majority of cases, grandparent separation is due to the household splitting rather than death (authors' calculations).…”

The Impact of Grandparents and Intergenerational Living on Children's Social and Emotional Development

“…This sensation lines up with existing literature from Latin America, showing both advantageous and damaging impacts of grandparent co-residency on child growth. Particularly, in the Peruvian context, the unfavorable impacts might be credited to the financial pressures dealt with by indigent grandparents, who often lack financial backing like pensions, accidentally diverting sources away from their grandchildren [9].…”