How do you feel now? On the perceptual distortion of extremely recent changes in anger

Lambert, Alan J.; Peak, Stephanie Allison; Eadeh, Fade R.; Schott, John Paul

doi:10.1016/j.jesp.2014.01.004

Cited by 13 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 34 publications

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“…Despite this, for participants with low CFI-Control, two forms of aggressive behavior did not increase with boredom. This is may because people with low CFI-Control engage in less constructive cognition (e.g., wishful thinking or ruminative self-blame) in difficult situations rather than more constructive cognition (e.g., problem solving) (Dennis and Vander Wal, 2010;Lambert et al, 2014;Eadeh et al, 2017).…”

Section: Moderating Role Of Cognitive Flexibilitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Aggressive behavior, boredom, and protective factors among college students during closed-off management of the COVID-19 pandemic in China

Chu

2022

Front. Psychol.

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BackgroundChinese colleges have implemented strict closed-off management in response to the outbreak of a new variant of the new coronavirus, Omicron. But such management measures may lead to more aggressive behavior. The study aimed to determine the associations between boredom and aggressive behavior with aggression and to examine the impact of boredom on aggression through the moderating role of cognitive flexibility.MethodsThe Multidimensional State Boredom Scale, the Reactive–Proactive Aggression Questionnaire, and the Cognitive Flexibility Inventory were applied to a sample of 719 college students who were in a closed-off management environment.ResultsFor individuals with high cognitive flexibility, the relationship between state boredom and proactive aggression was not significant. The relationship between state boredom and proactive aggression was significantly positively correlated for individuals with low cognitive flexibility, especially low substitutability. Cognitive flexibility has no significant moderating effect on the relationship between state boredom and reactive aggression.ConclusionThe findings highlighted the importance of boredom as a potential risk factor for aggression, while cognitive flexibility appears as a potential protective factor.

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Section: Moderating Role Of Cognitive Flexibilitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Aggressive behavior, boredom, and protective factors among college students during closed-off management of the COVID-19 pandemic in China

Chu

2022

Front. Psychol.

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“…And if so, are they overestimations or underestimations? Substantial findings have demonstrated that people would be doomed to forecast inaccuracy: whether the target event was daily (e.g., presidential election, Hoerger and Quirk, 2010;sports competition, Mata et al, 2019) or not (e.g., nonnational war or space crash, Wilson et al, 2000), people tend to make a lousy prediction; whether the emotion was happiness in general (e.g., final exam, Buehler and McFarland, 2001) or not (e.g., revenge, Lambert et al, 2014;regret, Buchanan et al, 2019;Dillard et al, 2020;curiosity, Hsee and Ruan, 2016;Ruan et al, 2018;food preference, Lee et al, 2015). Thus, we suggest that there will be a consistent wrong prediction among both career-related emotions.…”

Section: Underestimation In Interest Appraisals But Overestimation In...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Surprisingness and Occupational Engagement Influence Affective Forecasting in Career-Relevant Contexts

Jiao

et al. 2022

Front. Psychol.

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People tend to misestimate their future emotions. This phenomenon is thought to be associated with information accessibility. However, few studies have demonstrated the impact of context-specific information accessibility on affective forecasting. This research investigated the effects of information accessibility on affective forecasting in career context (i.e., occupational engagement was seen as information accessibility), during which surprise or not surprise context was played simultaneously. We found that affective forecasting appeared stably across emotional response types. Specifically, there was an underestimation in interest appraisals and an overestimation in satisfaction. These biases were influenced by occupational engagement, which only worked in career interest appraisals. High occupational engagement made people estimate their future emotions more accurately and overcome their forecasting bias. Surprisingness was then manipulated further to explain whether it could impact the effect of occupational engagement on affective forecasting. The emotional responses in both prediction and experience were affected by surprisingness, thus causing no affective forecasting biases. These results suggest the role of occupational engagement in affective forecasting and provide evidence supporting the information accessibility model about the mechanism in affective forecasting.

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“…However, punishment by victims is a delicate act: It may violate social norms (Elster, 1990; Nisbett & Cohen, 1996; Sommers, 2009), be interpreted as aggressive and/or immoral (Heffner & FeldmanHall, 2019; Mummendey et al, 1984), and provoke retaliation and circles of violence (Schumann & Ross, 2010). Victims do not even generally feel better after punishing offenders, even though they expect to (Carlsmith et al, 2008; Gollwitzer & Bushman, 2012; Lambert et al, 2014). Instead, they experience mixed feelings after punishing offenders (Eadeh et al, 2017; Eder et al, 2021).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Not revenge, but change is sweet: Experimental evidence of how offender change and punishment play independent roles in victims' sense of justice

Hechler

Funk

Kessler

2023

British J Social Psychol

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What positive effects do victims gain by punishing their offenders? Previous research suggests that punishment increases victims' justice-related satisfaction only when the offender indicates that they changed their moral attitude and behaviour. However, offender change may increase justice-related satisfaction independently of punishment. So far, it is empirically unclear whether punishment affects satisfaction beyond offender change (e.g. by producing the change), and whether punishment has positive effects on victims that are independent of offender change, specifically how it empowers victims. In two studies, we use a full experimental design to test the unique influence of punishment and offender change on victims' justice-related satisfaction and empowerment. In a third study, we extend the design and additionally test for the effects of assigned versus self-selected punishment. Across three studies (N = 824) with different methodological approaches, we consistently found that offender change alone increased victims' justice-related satisfaction-and this effect was not moderated by punishment. Study 2, but not Study 3, showed that punishment alone empowered victim-and this effect was not moderated by offender change. This indicates that offender change and punishment have independent roles in producing positive effects on victims. Overall, it was offender change and not punishment that made victims feel that justice has been done.

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How do you feel now? On the perceptual distortion of extremely recent changes in anger

Cited by 13 publications

References 34 publications

Aggressive behavior, boredom, and protective factors among college students during closed-off management of the COVID-19 pandemic in China

Aggressive behavior, boredom, and protective factors among college students during closed-off management of the COVID-19 pandemic in China

Surprisingness and Occupational Engagement Influence Affective Forecasting in Career-Relevant Contexts

Not revenge, but change is sweet: Experimental evidence of how offender change and punishment play independent roles in victims' sense of justice

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