“…Many scholars have studied why political actors may be more or less responsive in different circumstances-both at a macro-scale in terms of how government policies and spending respond to the preferences of the median voter (Cleary, 2007;Golden and Min, 2013;Herrera, 2017) or to elected legislatures (McCubbins, Noll and Weingast, 1987;Saltzstein, 1992;West and Raso, 2012), and at a micro-scale in terms of individual citizen-government interactions (Chaney and Saltzstein, 1998;Balla, 2000;Yang and Callahan, 2007;Butler and Broockman, 2011;McClendon, 2016;White, Nathan and Faller, 2015). Often the latter approach focuses on ATI requests (Peisakhin and Pinto, 2010;Lagunes and Pocasangre, 2017;Wood and Lewis, 2017;Worthy, John and Vannoni, 2017;ben Aaron et al, 2017;Poole, 2018;Spáč, Voda and Zagrapan, 2018;Grimmelikhuijsen et al, 2019), which correspond to individuals' or organizations' requests for public information from their government, and that government's degree of responsiveness to those requests in terms of information provided. In these literatures, explanations for responsiveness usually include capacity, resources, organizational cultures, social barriers or discrimination, as well as-importantly-political incentives.…”