How social media matter: Repression and the diffusion of the Occupy Wall Street movement

Suh, Chan S.; Vasi, Ion Bogdan; Chang, Paul Y.

doi:10.1016/j.ssresearch.2017.01.004

Cited by 36 publications

(22 citation statements)

References 37 publications

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“…Therefore, these studies cannot help us explain how social media helped to produce repression backfire. Even though there are a number of studies analyzing protest diffusion patterns through social media data (for instance, Howard et al 2015; Suh et al 2017), future research in this area is needed to generalize the findings of these case-specific analyses.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Evidence from uprisings in recent years in the Arab Spring, Venezuela, Ukraine, and Syria also suggests that social media use may be advantaging movement and disadvantaging states when it comes to repression’s effects. Further evidence from Occupy Wall Street shows that spreading the word about repression through pro-movement social media accounts can facilitate protest backfire (Suh, Vasi, and Chang 2017). Social media can be used by protesters to publicize instances of repression such as police violence against those participating in the sit-ins in Gezi Park, even when mainstream news sources ignore them or are censored by the state.…”

Section: Repression’s Impacts On Mobilizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Tweeting from Gezi Park: Social Media and Repression Backfire

Odabaş

Reynolds‐Stenson

2017

Social Currents

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We examine how social media may facilitate protest mobilization in response to violent state repression. Prior research demonstrates that violent repression can either decrease protest participation through raising the costs of participation, or can generate outrage, resulting in “backfire” and an increase in mobilization. Many recent mass mobilizations have garnered attention from scholars and journalists alike due to the instances of repression backfiring as well as the widespread use of social media in these protest movements. We examine why these two trends may be related using logistic regression analysis on data on participants in the Gezi Park Protests in summer 2013. Controlling for confounding factors, we find a statistically significant relationship between being recruited to participate in the protests through social media and joining the mass mobilization as a reaction to police repression. We argue that in the case of Gezi Park, communication through social media was a key factor in facilitating social movement mobilization in response to repression.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Repression’s Impacts On Mobilizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Tweeting from Gezi Park: Social Media and Repression Backfire

Odabaş

Reynolds‐Stenson

2017

Social Currents

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“…Taken aback by the mass of protesters, organizers quickly implemented a horizontal organization based in consensus decision-making, a working group division of labor, and occupying public space. Websites and blogs published the "best practices" of the New York OWS movement and organizers around the country and the globe formed their own movements (Suh et al, 2017). Locally, organizers, mostly students from local universities and colleges, initiated a Facebook page and organized their first general assembly for October 6 th , 2011.…”

Section: The Case Studies: the Tea Party And Occupy Movementsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Activists and Non-Activists: Differential Activist Identification in the Tea Party and Occupy Movements

Klein

2021

TQR

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Semantically, “activist” and “activism” are convenient descriptors for participants in social movements and are commonly used by social movement scholars. This study demonstrates, however, that these labels obscure the complex decisions participants make in negotiating their involvement. Few researchers examine the importance of deconstructing traditional assumptions of activist identities and the nuances in activist negotiation and identification. Using qualitative research methods, this paper explores whether social movement participants engage in complex identity negotiations wherein they interactionally situate and critically assess their involvement. This research draws on in-depth interviews conducted with 58 social movement participants from two local-level, contemporary social movements: The Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street Movements. Respondents provided complex narratives about their activist and non-activist identities, which became apparent through analyzing the interviews using thematic coding. The findings show that respondents do negotiate their identities along a spectrum from activist to non-activist through interaction with other participants and critical assessment of their own involvement. These findings also reveal that the process of differential activist identification has short- and long-term implications for participant involvement and collective identity where disagreements over the activist label can fracture the organization and sustainability of a movement. By assessing the ways movement participants identify with activism and how they use their identification through interaction to promote or deconstruct group solidarity, we can begin to explore the consequences of this type of identity politics for contemporary social movements.

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“…2005;Garrett, 2006 (Valenzuela, Arriagada, & Scherman, 2012), gracias a los dos elementos más potentes de las redes: la inmediatez y la interactividad (García, Del Hoyo & Fernández, 2014). Véase por ejemplo los trabajos sobre ciber-activismo político en las redes en España (Anduiza, Cristancho & Sabucedo 2013), en México (Torres Nabel, 2009), en USA (Boler & Nitsou, 2013;Lance Bennett, et alli 2008b;Suh, Bogdan Vasi y Chang, 2016), en Egipto (Eltantaey, N & Wiest, J. 2011; Aourag, M & Alexander, A. 2011) y en China (Kidd 2013).…”

Section: Las Redes Sociales Virtualesunclassified

Ciudadanía y participación en redes sociales: Un estudio en adolescentes chilenos

Pantoja¹

2019

AULA_ABIERTA

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Este artículo expone los primeros hallazgos de la investigación titulada: el sentido de lo común, de las redes sociales a las redes virtuales en educación. El objetivo de este proyecto es comprender la relación entre el uso de las redes sociales virtuales (OLSN) en adolescentes entre los 12 y los 16 años, como espacio de ciudadanía. Este objetivo requiere. por una parte, discutir las líneas teóricas del concepto de ciudadanía y lo común, concebidos desde el compromiso y la reciprocidad entre sujetos que comparten un espacio común. Pero también por la otra, resulta necesario situar la dinámica explosiva de conectividad que impacta en los adolescentes y su uso en las redes sociales virtuales.

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How social media matter: Repression and the diffusion of the Occupy Wall Street movement

Cited by 36 publications

References 37 publications

Tweeting from Gezi Park: Social Media and Repression Backfire

Tweeting from Gezi Park: Social Media and Repression Backfire

Activists and Non-Activists: Differential Activist Identification in the Tea Party and Occupy Movements

Ciudadanía y participación en redes sociales: Un estudio en adolescentes chilenos

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