Huawei in Canada: Doing Business in the Midst of Game of Thrones

Chapardar, Hadi; Wei, William; Chamseddine, Houssam

doi:10.1007/978-3-030-47579-6_6

Cited by 1 publication

(7 citation statements)

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“…On May 15, 2019, U.S. President Donald Trump signed an executive order, effectively barring American firms from purchasing Huawei telecommunications equipment following the Chinese tech giant's addition to the Commerce Department Entity List on the grounds of national security threat (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2020). The U.S. administration argued that Huawei could be forced to give CCP officials access to backdoors in telecommunications equipment that would allow them to spy on the American government (Chapardar et al, 2020). The accusations came amid China's 2017 National Intelligence Law which compels Chinese companies to "support, assist, and cooperate with" China's intelligence-gathering authorities (Chapardar et al, 2020).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The U.S. administration argued that Huawei could be forced to give CCP officials access to backdoors in telecommunications equipment that would allow them to spy on the American government (Chapardar et al, 2020). The accusations came amid China's 2017 National Intelligence Law which compels Chinese companies to "support, assist, and cooperate with" China's intelligence-gathering authorities (Chapardar et al, 2020). Over the next months, the Trump administration doubled down on the Chinese tech giant with additional bans that saw its presence in the American market brought down to a near-zero (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2020).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Over the next months, the Trump administration doubled down on the Chinese tech giant with additional bans that saw its presence in the American market brought down to a near-zero (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2020). From the moment of the first ban onwards, the Americans embarked on a lobbying campaign to convince allies and like-minded countries of the danger they believe Huawei poses and threatened the continuation of alliances should like-minded countries open their doors to the Chinese firm (Chapardar et al, 2020). North of the American border, the extradition request for Huawei CFO, Meng Wanzhou, was well underway with two Canadians sitting behind bars in China as retaliation.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…North of the American border, the extradition request for Huawei CFO, Meng Wanzhou, was well underway with two Canadians sitting behind bars in China as retaliation. American pressures to bar Huawei from the Canadian market complicated an already complex diplomatic spat with Beijing who warned that a Huawei ban would trigger repercussions for Canada (Chapardar et al, 2020). To date, the Canadian government is the only FYEV member that has yet to announce a decision on the Chinese tech giant after repeatedly pushing back its verdict (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2020).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In 2018 alone, the company created 970 direct jobs and contributed $304M to the Canadian GDP (Karam, 2020). Amidst the plethora of U.S. bans, Huawei relocated its research center to Canada in December 2019 a move that has seen Huawei's presence in the country estimated at around 1,600 jobs, most of which centered around research and development (R&D) with the help of top-tier Canadian researchers (Chapardar et al, 2020). Similarly, over the last decade, the company has invested $50M in Canadian academic 5G R&D (Karam, 2020).…”

Section: Independent Variable 1: Societal Interests and Actorsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Canada-China Relations in the Age of Great Power Competition: An Assessment of Canadian Foreign Policy Decision Making and Strategic Outlook

Denis¹

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Canada has, so far, awkwardly navigated the current U.S.-China geopolitical competition undertaking an ambiguous position, often labeled as inaction in policy circles, that has rendered any foreign policy decisions difficult to assess from a strategic perspective. Despite bilateral frictions that saw Sino-Canadian relations brought to their lowest point since the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1970, the Canadian government has yet to embark on a policy direction that would see it in strategic opposition to China regardless of the path its closest ally and current hegemon, the United States, has set for itself. The Canadian government has, in fact, adopted a hedging approach to the U.S.-China rivalry. Canadian foreign policy decision making, despite being in contradiction to traditional international theories that would see it balance with Washington, is consistent with Canada's policy of engagement towards China which emphasizes the need to work constructively with Beijing and the irrationality of containment for Canadian interests. Structural level theories, in treating middle powers like Canada as policytakers in the same manner as lesser powers, forgo their very role as supporters and builders of the Liberal International Order and, hence, their strategic commitment to enforcing its core tenets even in the absence of an American buttress. The current state of Canadian foreign policy exhibits an approach to great power competition anchored in the established order that recognizes the drawbacks of both balancing and bandwagoning in light of the framework Washington and Beijing have adopted to their rivalry.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Independent Variable 1: Societal Interests and Actorsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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