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This article contributes to the international political theory of humanitarianism by unpicking the politics of humanitarian action's simplest expression: saving human lives in the name of humanity. Both saving lives and defining notions of common humanity are closely interrelated acts of power. What saving a life means depends on a prior definition of humanity; humanitarians' acts of rescue are the measure of their commitment to humanity. The politics of rescue and the politics of humanity are inextricably linked. The article explores four facets of this nexus. First, it considers the meanings of rescue, from saving bodies to saving lives, linked to contingent understandings of humanity. Second, it turns to the rescuers, for whom rescue performs particular functions, not least the need to preserve a sense of self. Third, it situates their often narcissistic motives in relation to the consequences of humanitarian action. Fourth, it addresses the power imbalance inherent in rescue and the problem of causing harm. It concludes that rescue is always an act of presumption, but one that can be tempered by humanitarian actors willing to embrace their role as 'moral politicians' (Walzer), aware of their power and their dirty hands, and open to contrasting understandings of humanity.
This article contributes to the international political theory of humanitarianism by unpicking the politics of humanitarian action's simplest expression: saving human lives in the name of humanity. Both saving lives and defining notions of common humanity are closely interrelated acts of power. What saving a life means depends on a prior definition of humanity; humanitarians' acts of rescue are the measure of their commitment to humanity. The politics of rescue and the politics of humanity are inextricably linked. The article explores four facets of this nexus. First, it considers the meanings of rescue, from saving bodies to saving lives, linked to contingent understandings of humanity. Second, it turns to the rescuers, for whom rescue performs particular functions, not least the need to preserve a sense of self. Third, it situates their often narcissistic motives in relation to the consequences of humanitarian action. Fourth, it addresses the power imbalance inherent in rescue and the problem of causing harm. It concludes that rescue is always an act of presumption, but one that can be tempered by humanitarian actors willing to embrace their role as 'moral politicians' (Walzer), aware of their power and their dirty hands, and open to contrasting understandings of humanity.
The rapid rise of the Responsibility to Protect and its establishment within the global lexicon is nothing short of astounding. However, there are a number of questions that remain unanswered: Who has the Responsibility to Protect? Who are they protecting? What are the wider implications of this concept of responsibility? How is the concept being operationalized? Regional and subregional organizations are seen as key actors in the operationalization of the Responsibility to Protect, providing increased legitimacy and accountability. This article situates these organizations within a wider “network of responsibility” and examines the impact this engagement has on norm contestation, diffusion, development, and operationalization. The article highlights the potential that regional and subregional organizations have for acting as “linchpins” within a network of responsibility. It also demonstrates the challenges surrounding this role, and the wider implementation and operationalization of the concept.
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