Hunting and consumption of rodents by children in the Lassa fever endemic area of Faranah, Guinea

Abstract

As a consequence of the Ebola outbreak, human–animal contact has gained importance for zoonotic transmission surveillance. In Faranah (Upper Guinea), daily life is intertwined with rodents, such as the Natal multimammate mouse, Mastomys natalensis; a reservoir for Lassa virus (LASV). However, this contact is rarely perceived as a health risk by residents, although Lassa fever (LF) is known to be endemic to this region. Conversely, these observations remain a great concern for global health agendas. Drawing on ethnographic research involving interviews, focus group discussions, participant observations, and informal discussions over four months, we first identified factors that motivated children to hunt and consume rodents in Faranah villages, and thereafter, explored the knowledge of LF infection in children and their parents. Furthermore, we studied two dimensions of human-rodent encounters: 1) space-time of interaction and 2) factors that allowed the interaction to occur and their materiality. This approach allowed us to contextualize child-rodent contacts beyond domestic limits in the fallow fields, swamps, and at other times for this practice. A close look at these encounters provided information on rodent trapping, killing, and manipulation of cooking techniques and the risk these activities posed for the primary transmission of LASV. This research facilitated the understanding of children’s exposure to M. natalensis during hunting sessions and the importance of rodent hunting, which is a part of their boyish identity in rural areas. Determination of when, where, why, and how children, rodents, and environments interacted allowed us to understand the exposures and risks important for human and animal surveillance programs in the Lassa-endemic region.

Seroprevalence of anti-Lassa Virus IgG antibodies in three districts of Sierra Leone: A cross-sectional, population-based study

“…Interactions between rodents and younger people, including hunting and consumption, showed an increased risk of LASV exposure. [11] Previous studies have not determined specific age-related risks regarding general LASV seroprevalence. An odds ratio analysis conducted for age groups of 10 years suggests a 10-year increment in age increased the likelihood an individual will be seropositive; however, this did not persist in multivariate modeling.…”

“…[9,10] Butchering, hunting, and consuming undercooked rodent-host meat has also been tied to LASV infections. [11] Person-to-person transmission is infrequently reported and seen primarily as nosocomial infections, particularly in settings lacking proper resources, equipment, and awareness. [12][13][14] LASV infection rates are significant across West Africa, with an estimated 100,000 to 300,000 infections and 5,000 deaths annually, which cause disruptions to social, economic and public health systems.…”

Lassa fever in Nigeria: Social and Ecological Risk Factors Exacerbating Transmission and Sustainable Management Strategies

“…According to UNEP [6], wildlife is being exploited and used for different purposes around the world including food, source of income (mostly among the poor in developing and low-income countries), medicine, ritual, and decorative purposes, recreational purposes (in zoos and recreational hunting). In the West African subregion, poverty is the motivating factor for bushmeat hunting especially the hunting of rodents [88] as poor households cannot afford to purchase beef and other types of meats thus bushmeat consumption becomes a viable alternative for them, and in a recent and humidity is low, the implication of this is that the decrease in rainfall and low humidity bolsters the proliferation of LASV and hence the increase in cases.…”

“…The study reported that rodent hunting for food is the only known risk factor that is rodent associated, in the same study it was also noted that hunting and handling of bushmeat is a role for the male gender and specific age groups and generally people preferred to consume rodents from the bush rather than those trapped around their homes. In Guinea, Duono, et al [88] reported that rodent hunting was mainly a children's affair since it is considered meat for children as a means of compensating for the lack of protein in their households; even among children, boys are more at risk of exposure to LASV than girls as boys are responsible for the hunting (during which they have direct contact with the rodents' urine, faces and sometimes blood) and transportation of the dead rodents (in bags and where they are not available in the pockets of their clothes). This is in line with Abdullahi, et al [25], who noted that rodent hunters have a higher exposure risk to LASV infections, and they sometimes even play with the rats before they are prepared for cooking.…”

“…They may be exposed opportunistically when preparing the meat through contact with the rodents' urine and droppings or during slaughtering when they are exposed to the rodents' blood. The hunting process is also a contributing factor to the exposure risk of hunters as they come in contact with the bodily fluids of the rodents, especially during slaughtering, some look out for rat burrows which are set on fire to force the rodents out while others including farmers set a forested area on fire during which all animals within the area are forced to leave their natural habitats thus coming in contact with humans and exposing them zoonotic diseases including LASV [82,88]. According to Amoo, et al [13], and Duono, et al [88], poverty is a major factor why rodent hunting is still in practice despite the outbreaks attributed to LASV.…”