Jama'at‐e‐Islami and Trust Building in Bangladesh

Self Cite

This third article in the 2024 World Affairs special issue examines the intricate interplay between secularism, religious sentiment, and authoritarian politics in postindependence Bangladesh. Despite being founded on secular principles in 1971, the notion of Bangladesh as a strictly secular state is challenged. This article contends that while secularism was enshrined as a foundational state principle, its imposition occurred top‐down, diverging from prevailing societal ethos. The immediacy of the public backlash following its inclusion compelled ruling elites to adopt religion‐sensitive policies. I assert that the widespread religiosity among the populace steered subsequent political decisions. Notably, the shift from secularism to state‐sponsored Islam, the elevation of Islamic figures to cabinet roles, the recognition of Qawmi madrassa credentials, and the proliferation of Islamic rhetoric ensued. Analyzing a blend of archival data and field interviews, the article argues that the current authoritarian regime, emerging from an unconsolidated democratic framework, strategically exploits Islam as a political tool for legitimacy. By tapping into the prevailing Islamic sentiment, the regime aims to solidify its hold on power and navigate the complex political landscape of contemporary Bangladesh.

Section: Political Instrumentalization Of Islam (1975-2023)mentioning

confidence: 99%

Faith, politics, and power: The evolution of secularism and authoritarianism in Bangladesh

Mostofa

2024

Self Cite

“…These steps were preceded by the promulgation of the Political Parties Ordinance in 1976 which reintroduced the multiparty system but also provided the space for Islamist parties to reappear in the political landscape. It allowed, among others, the re-emergence of the Jamaat-i-Islami (JI), the largest Islamist party which opposed the founding of independent Bangladesh (Mostofa, 2021a). Ziaur Rahman's successor, General Hussain Muhammad Ershad (1982)(1983)(1984)(1985)(1986)(1987)(1988)(1989)(1990), who usurped state power in 1982 through another coup, declared Islam the state religion in 1988.…”

Section: The Religion-state Relationshipmentioning

confidence: 99%

Religion as a tool for authoritarian legitimation: The case of Bangladesh

Riaz

2024

In recent decades, the relationships between religion and politics, particularly between religion and the state, have been widely discussed, yet relationships between authoritarian rulers and religion have not received their due attention. This fourth article in the 2024 World Affairs special issue addresses this lacuna and argues against the conventional wisdom that these two entities are always hostile to each other. The study contends that authoritarian rulers have used three strategies vis‐à‐vis religion as an ideology and religious actors as a political force. Autocrats have adopted repression and cooptation strategies to deal with religious actors and utilized religion as a tool of legitimation. The article offers a case study of Bangladesh which has witnessed the growing salience of religion in politics since 1976, although its 1972 constitution pledged secularism as a state principle. The article examines the strategies used during three phases of military and civilian authoritarianism—1976–1981, 1982–1990, and since 2011—and discusses the relationship between the authoritarian rulers and religion.

“…In his runoff presidential election in 1964, the ulema responded in kind with fatwa issued by various seminaries that a woman cannot be head of the state, despite the JI putting all its political weight in favor of Fatima Jinnah (Ahmad, 2017; Khan, 2017, p. 162). Although Ayub won with 64% of the vote, the JI under Maududi showed its true strength as the religious political party (Mostofa, 2021b), whereas the JUI and JUP supported neither candidate (Pirzada, 2000).…”

Section: Islam or Autocracy?mentioning

confidence: 99%

From pulpit to marketplace: The evolution of religious political parties in Pakistan

Hussain

2024

This article analyzes the extent of involvement of religious political leaders and their apparent, rather reluctant, acceptance by the Pakistani public seen in recent times. The study also analyzes the role of religious leaders in giving way to right‐wing extremism or Islamic militarism and how this challenges the writ of the state. I hope to shed light on the state‐religious scholars' nexus, forging a lasting impression in the minds of the public of their coexistence. Religious leaders have been seen to support or gain currency at the time of autocratic rulers, which is evident in the history of the martial law regimes of General Zia ul Haq and General Pervez Musharraf. This study also examines the compromise of weak democratic parties in the intervening period between the two dictatorships as well as the recent rise of political as well as religious extremism. I examine the coexistence of the state‐religious scholars' nexus where religious sentiments, often leading to extremist views, are being played for political gains by the religious political leaders.