Refugees and citizens: Understanding Eritrean refugees’ ambivalence towards homeland politics

Abstract

This article revisits ambivalence as a protracted state which does not simply develop as a result of the migration experience but stems from overlapping levels of normative inconsistency. Drawing from my ethnography of Eritreans' everyday life in the homeland and abroad, I analyse their attitudes of patriotism and disenchantment through an ambivalence lens. Their ambiguous attitudes are arising from national and transnational Eritrean state policies and are further complicated by their role as "political refugees" in host countries. My informants' ambivalence stems from them embodying more than one role (i.e. patriots, family breadwinners, refugees from and citizens of their homeland), from contradictory expectations pertaining to the same role (i.e. young citizens in Eritrea) and from clashing implications of being members of two different social systems (i.e. the destination country and the country of origin). Thus, Eritreans' political loyalties and actions are characterised by a state of ambivalence throughout their migration process. Despite its peculiar characteristics, this case study sheds light on the complexity of ambivalence, as more than a temporary condition, for migrants and refugees in particular. In the current scenario of emigrant states' transnational governance, protracted ambivalence is likely to mark the attitudes of an increasing number of people on the move as both refugees from and citizens of their country of origin.

The Resurgence of Religious and Ethnic Identities among Eritrean Refugees: A Response to the Government’s Nationalist Ideology

“…Most of them avoid involvement in anti-PFDJ activities due to fear of oppressive measures against their families back home and steer clear of opposition parties, which they describe as lacking clear agendas and being preoccupied with their personal vendettas. Belloni’s (2019: 9) research among Eritrean refugees found similar ambivalent political attitudes. Her informants seem to have internalised the government’s ideology but hate the practical consequences for their personal lives, while deeply mistrusting Eritrean opposition groups.…”

“…In order to understand identity formation in the Eritrean context, I engage with the existing literature discussing the emergence of nationalism in the Horn of Africa and specifically in Eritrea (Conrad, 2006; Mohammad, 2014; Rich Dorman, 2005). I also revisit the literature exploring conflict-generated transnational diaspora communities and their search for ethnic-based identities in the Horn (Arnone, 2008; Belloni, 2019; Campbell and Afework, 2015; Conrad, 2005; Redeker Hepner, 2003, 2014, 2015; Lyons, 2009; Redeker Hepner, 2008; Thompson, 2018) and elsewhere (Calhoun, 2014; Jacobson, 1997). I take into consideration that ethnic- and religious-based identities are strengthened using social media as a public sphere that facilitates the exchange of ideas and the maintenance of transnational networks (Afeworki, 2018; Bernal, 2006).…”

Remittance Houses and Transnational Citizenship: Mapping Eritrea’s Diaspora–State Relationships

“…Many among them have grown increasingly dissatisfied with the PFDJ rule (Berekteab, 2007; Hirt and Mohammad, 2018). Likewise, different generations of people with different backgrounds and political ideas have often been classified as a “refugee generation” that is uniformly opposed to the government; yet attitudes towards the home government are quite ambivalent among them (Belloni, 2019c).…”

Transnational Lived Citizenship – The Case of the Eritrean Diaspora

“…In this Special Focus, the emphasis is therefore on how transnational lived citizenship relates to the latter dimensions, without losing connection with the home state as an important frame of reference. The articles in this Focus investigate how the home nation-state transnationally moulds citizenship statuses and practices, resulting in stratified forms of citizenship and a great amount of ambivalence, as well as seemingly contradicting state attitudes towards diaspora citizens and vice versa (Belloni, 2018; Cole, 2019; Müller, 2012a).…”