Brazilian President] Lula [da Silva] has tried to compensate for his macroeconomic orthodoxy with innovative social initiatives. . . . At the end of the day, however, perhaps his most important achievement on this front will be the generalization of the Bolsa Familia initiative, which was copied directly from the antipoverty program of [right-wing] Mexican Presidents Ernesto Zedillo and Vicente Fox. This is a successful, innovative welfare program, but as neoliberal and scantly revolutionary as one can get.-Jorge G. Castañeda, former Mexican foreign minister and expert on the Latin American left Despite its absence of ample, general and unrestricted universality, the Bolsa Familia program, because of characteristics such as its search for equality, its breadth of coverage, its attention to children and women and its non-contributory nature can be classified as a social democratic policy for the contemporary period.-Déborah Thomé, Brazilian social policy scholar
Chapter 1Sources: News reports and Dataset on Political Ideology of Presidents and Parties in Latin America (Murillo, Oliveros, and Vaishnav 2010).
Structure of the BookThis book argues that there exist two distinct models of CCTs in terms of target population, conditionality enforcement, and stipend structure, and the choice of model is determined by government ideology.Chapter 2 demonstrates that, although countries with left-wing presidents were no more likely than those governed by the center and right to enact CCTs, across the region these programs, counterintuitively, were initially proposed by governments of the right and center and opposed by the left. This was true in Mexico and Brazil, the countries that popularized these programs, as well as in Argentina and Bolivia, where left-wing presidents ultimately adopted CCTs but did so reluctantly. Left-wing presidents in Nicaragua and Venezuela actually dismantled existing programs upon taking office. This ambivalence and, at times, outright hostility toward CCTs is explained by the left's preference for universal policies over narrowly targeted ones, worries that their opponents would use CCTs to buy the poor's support, and the initial association between those programs and the right and institutions such as the World Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank.Chapter 3 details how the left overcame these initial misgivings. Brazil's experience under center-left President Lula da Silva proved crucial. Originally critical of the CCTs he inherited, Lula embraced them only after his preferred and more ambitious anti-poverty program failed. But Lula went beyond continuing his centrist predecessor's programs. He expanded and transformed them in the direction of providing a universal income floor. Charismatic, politically popular, and respected among the region's left, Lula widely publicized the merits of his country's CCT. His credibility and the adaptation of CCTs to better match the left's universalistic agenda made cash transfers palatable, indeed desirable, to other leftist presidents. Thus, Table 2-...