<i>What’s up</i> with dative experiencers?

Fábregas, Antonio; Jiménez-Fernández, Ángel L.; Blanco, Mercedes Tubino

doi:10.1075/rllt.12.03fab

Cited by 12 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 10 publications

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“…That said, this contrast is not necessarily problematic for the analysis since, unlike SE, dat clitics do not cliticize on T (D'Alessandro 2008: 128). This would prevent any interference between T and the IA once the dat has moved above T. In fact, some authors maintain that the dat of psych-verbs does not land in Spec,T at any point of the derivation because it is not a subject vis-à-vis Icelandic (Gutiérrez-Bravo 2006, Fábregas et al 2017.…”

Section: Extension: Non-agreeing Dat Structuresmentioning

confidence: 99%

The role of SE in Spanish agreement variation

Fernández-Serrano

2023

A Half Century of Romance Linguistics: Selected Proceedings of the 50th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages

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This paper analyses Spanish agreement variation in non-paradigmatic SE structures. It is argued that in European Spanish the attested alternation between agreement and lack of agreement is part of a single grammar, i.e. a case of intra-speaker optionality. To support this claim it is shown that neither definiteness nor Case assignment are responsible for the lack of agreement pattern. The proposal combines two basic ingredients: the special featural configuration of SE (Mendikoetxea 1999, D'Alessandro 2008 and the parametrization of the order of syntactic operations (Obata et al. 2015, Obata & Epstein 2016. This analysis reflects the asymmetries with respect to Italian and Icelandic data and is compatible with a similar case of variation in Spanish dat-nom psych-verb structures.

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Section: Extension: Non-agreeing Dat Structuresmentioning

confidence: 99%

The role of SE in Spanish agreement variation

Fernández-Serrano

2023

A Half Century of Romance Linguistics: Selected Proceedings of the 50th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages

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“…This state of affairs poses challenges for formal analyses that present this phenomenon as dichotomous with very distinct and mutually exclusive interpretations for each clitic (cf. Parodi and Luján, 2000;Ackerman and Moore, 2001;Fábregas et al, 2017;Fábregas and Marín, 2020).…”

Section: Final Remarksmentioning

confidence: 99%

Co-occurrence Strength and Transitivity Effects on Spanish Clitic Case Variation With Reverse-Psychological Predicates

Guajardo

2021

Front. Psychol.

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Although the most frequent psychological predicates in Spanish require the third-person clitic experiencer to appear in dative case, there is a well-known subclass of predicates for which the case of the clitic alternates between accusative and dative. This alternation has been previously accounted for by certain grammatical properties of the clause containing the clitic as well as elements of transitivity. However, since most studies on the subject have only looked at a subset of the elements comprising transitivity, it remains to be demonstrated whether the alternation in clitic case can reliably be reduced to a difference in transitivity. In this paper, I study the extent to which transitivity is the main predictor of clitic case alternation with reverse psychological predicates by comparing its effect with another potential predictor, namely the bidirectional association strength between the verb and the clitic. The results show that higher levels of association between the clitic and the verb favor the dative clitic, suggesting a higher degree of lexicalization of the dative clitic-verb pair. Furthermore, although it is found that higher levels of transitivity favor the accusative clitic, the effect is rather small compared to the rest of the predictors. All in all, the results support previous findings in the literature, but they also bring to the fore the importance of frequency of co-occurrence on Spanish clitic case alternation in particular, and language variation more generally.

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“…The positions that preverbal subjects and dative DPs occupy in Spanish have been extensively discussed in the literature of generative grammar (Contreras 1976;Rivero 1980;Masullo 1992;Olarrea 1996;Fernández Soriano 1999;Ordóñez and Treviño 1999;Tubino 2007;Fernández Soriano and Mendikoetxea 2013;Villa-García 2015;Fábregas et al 2017;Jiménez-Fernández 2020, to name a few); this paper aims to contribute to this debate by examining data from Spanish middle-passive sentences containing dative possessors DPs. Spanish middle-passive constructions are generic unaccusative predicates denoting intrinsic properties of the verb's internal argument, which must be a definite DP-never a bare NP-unmarkedly surfacing preverbally (1).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Middle-Passive Constructions, Dative Possessors, and Word Order in Spanish

Suárez-Palma

2023

Languages

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This paper examines data from Spanish middle-passive sentences whose grammatical subject contains a body-part noun, externally possessed by means of a dative possessor. I advocate for an analysis whereby the possessor originates inside the theme DP and raises to the specifier of an applicative projection to be licensed with dative case. I show that the unmarked order for dative DPs in these configurations is preverbal. These phrases may appear as the sole preverbal constituent, presumably in preverbal subject position, thus forcing the theme DP to remain inside the VP; alternatively, both the dative DP and theme DP can occur preverbally, in which case, the former appears to be left dislocated while the latter would be probed to preverbal subject position. This last scenario leads to a minimality violation, since the theme would be probed over the empty pronominal standing for the possessor that must necessarily sit in Spec, ApplP for the inalienable possession construal to obtain. Instead, I argue that both preverbal dative and theme DPs in Spanish middle-passive sentences are left dislocated and corefer with empty pronominals inside the sentence; the null dative possessor, being closer to T° always raises to subject position, which avoids any potential intervention effects. Finally, I explore how these data can be analyzed within a paratactic approach.

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What’s up with dative experiencers?

Cited by 12 publications

References 10 publications

The role of SE in Spanish agreement variation

The role of SE in Spanish agreement variation

Co-occurrence Strength and Transitivity Effects on Spanish Clitic Case Variation With Reverse-Psychological Predicates

Middle-Passive Constructions, Dative Possessors, and Word Order in Spanish

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