1997
DOI: 10.1080/13537119708428492
|View full text |Cite
|
Sign up to set email alerts
|

Ideological trends among ethnoregional parties in post‐industrial democracies

Help me understand this report

Search citation statements

Order By: Relevance

Paper Sections

Select...
1
1
1
1

Citation Types

1
32
0

Year Published

2004
2004
2022
2022

Publication Types

Select...
5
2

Relationship

0
7

Authors

Journals

citations
Cited by 25 publications
(33 citation statements)
references
References 17 publications
1
32
0
Order By: Relevance
“…In particular, we found that: majoritarian electoral systems dramatically increase the probability of finding radical parties, thus confirming Newman (1997); as suggested by Van Houten (2000) and Massetti (2009), competition from other regionalist parties within the region increases the probability of radicalization, but only at national level; whereas holding office increases the probability of moderation, confirming Elias and Tronconi (2011a).…”
Section: Discussionsupporting
confidence: 82%
See 2 more Smart Citations
“…In particular, we found that: majoritarian electoral systems dramatically increase the probability of finding radical parties, thus confirming Newman (1997); as suggested by Van Houten (2000) and Massetti (2009), competition from other regionalist parties within the region increases the probability of radicalization, but only at national level; whereas holding office increases the probability of moderation, confirming Elias and Tronconi (2011a).…”
Section: Discussionsupporting
confidence: 82%
“…4. As noted in several previous studies, especially since Newman (1997) and De Winter (1998), regionalist parties can (and usually do) develop ideological stances on virtually all dimensions/areas (e.g. economic policy, immigration, Notes: *p < 0.05; P ¼ protectionist; F ¼ federalist; A ¼ ambiguous; S ¼ separatist (see Table 1 for a description of the types of parties).…”
Section: Appendix Bmentioning
confidence: 96%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…This article refers to them as regional nationalist parties because they contest elections in a geographically delimited territory and advance the interests of its inhabitants, which share a sense of collective consciousness as a national or political community. This term has the advantage of being more encompassing than the term ethnic or ethno-regionalist party (Horowitz, 1985;Newman, 1997), which is limited to ethnic groups that usually share a common language, while being more specific than the term regionalist, autonomist or non-state-wide party (Pallares et al, 1997;De Winter and Tursan, 1998;De Winter et al, 2006), a term that could equally apply to mainstream parties with a limited geographical basis of electoral support and that do not necessarily speak on behalf of a distinct nation. 2 Mair and Mudde (1998: 222) consider that regional parties do not constitute a party family because they cover the full spectrum on the left-right dimension, suggesting that "the group might be more usefully dispersed among other competing families".…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…RNPs act as "mobilizers and challengers" (Rochon, 1985;Newman, 1997), mobilizing electorates on the basis of the territorial cleavage and challenging MSPs by competing for their share of the electorate. Micro-level analyses have shown that the support for RNPs may represent a sincere vote reflecting territorial variations in socio-economic and cultural factors (Urwin, 1983;Hearl et al, 1996;Gordin, 2001), but may also represent a protest vote of citizens dissatisfied with the prevailing system (Hechter and Levi, 1985;Rudolph and Thompson, 1985).…”
Section: 'Mobilizers and Challengers'mentioning
confidence: 99%