In this article about 'For Better or Worse? Lesbian and Gay Marriage' (Feminism & Psychology, 14[1]) we focus on the contributions to the special feature, the commentaries provided by Ellen Lewin (2004), Sheila Jeffreys (2004 and Sue Wise and Liz Stanley (2004), and on wider debates about lesbian and gay marriage and partnership recognition. We agree that 'there is a lot of confusion/ assumptions made about what "it" (i.e. "marriage") is' (Wise and Stanley, 2004: 333). Thus, when talking about same-sex partnership recognition we are concerned with civil marriage (or civil union, or civil partnership), and not religious marriage. Our emphasis is on the public not on the private sphere; we are less interested with the personal aspects of relationships (such as intimacy or commitment) than with their public function in, for instance, obtaining 'rights and responsibilities'.The lesbian and gay marriage debate in the Feminism & Psychology special feature and beyond is sharply polarized, and the terms of the debate are often conflated to the extent that what actually constitutes a 'pro' or an 'anti' position varies between authors (Walters, 2001). For instance, Sullivan's (1997) Same Sex Marriage: Pro and Con reflects primarily on public debates between the 'anti' religious right wing and the 'pro' liberal and rights-based arguments voiced by lesbians, gay men and their supporters. In contrast, Clarke (2003) focuses on the debate within lesbian and gay scholarship. Clarke -and the special feature as a whole (Clarke and Finlay, 2004) -reformulates the 'pro' marriage position as involving either the assimilation of lesbian and gay relationships within the pre-existing heteronormative framework of marriage, or transforming the institution of marriage through the extension of marriage to same-sex couples. In this context, the 'anti' marriage stance is upheld by lesbian and gay radicals rather than the religious right (Clarke, 2003). Thus there are two levels of discussion, cohering around different axes. These two different debates have been acknowledged (by, for instance, Sullivan, 1997;Walters, 2001), but there has been minimal movement beyond the assorted 'pro' and 'anti' poles. Two necessary precursors to transcending 'pro' and 'anti' marriage arguments are: delineating