There is a duality at the heart of the migration phenomenon, as the very same people who are immigrants are also emigrants, making a living and possibly setting down roots in the receiving society, but still connected to and oriented toward the home society where their significant others still often reside. While research has shown that home country political conditions and experiences affect immigrant political behaviour in the receiving society, scholarship has yet to ask how those same factors affect the ways in which emigrants relate to the body politic left behind. This paper seeks to fill that lacuna. We find that pre-migration political experiences impart a lasting post-migration interest in home country politics and that such effects are substantial compared with the impacts associated with other cross-border connections, such as remittance sending or return travel.Keywords: emigrants, transnationalism, diaspora, cross-border politics, migrant political engagement 3
Emigrants and the Body Politic Left BehindInternational migration is an inherently political phenomenon, raising the question of the migrants' attachment to body politics left behind as well as newly encountered. Current scholarship is largely focused on the receiving society, asking about the degree to which immigrants can orient themselves to the new political system that they have entered, adopting beliefs and behaviors that align with those of established citizens. The emerging discussion is influenced by long-standing research on political socialization, where debate has pivoted around the question of whether political orientations acquired early in life persist across contexts or instead change as adults acquire new experiences. For the most part, research shows that immigrant behavior in the political sphere evolves in ways quite similar to the changes taking McAllister and Makkai (1992) demonstrated that Australian immigrants from countries with a shorter history of democracy are more likely to have authoritarian attitudes than those coming from countries with more 4 established democratic traditions; Cain et al. (1991) found that characteristics of the polity of origin affected partisan loyalties in the polity of destination, with U.S. voters born in Russia, Cuba, Vietnam (all then communist countries), and Korea (threatened by a communist country) more likely to be Republicans; Simpson Bueker (2005) showed that immigrants coming from non-democratic regimes are less likely to turn out to vote than those from democratic societies; Bilodeau, McAllister and Kanji (2010) showed that immigrants from authoritarian regimes are as supportive of democracy as the rest of the population, but are more likely to support alternative, non-democratic forms of government, with the more authoritarian the country of origin, the greater the acceptance of authoritarian government. Though highly suggestive, these studies rest on inferences regarding the impact of prevailing, macro-level, pre-migration political conditions on post-migration politi...