Immigration-related political culture and support for radical right parties

Baur, Robert; Green, Eva G. T.; Helbling, Marc

doi:10.1080/1369183x.2015.1125778

Cited by 18 publications

(13 citation statements)

References 66 publications

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“…Billiet 1995; De Koster et al 2014; Immerzeel et al 2015; Kestilä-Kekkonen and Söderlund 2014), other articles look at an individual’s propensity to vote for the far right (e.g. Baur et al 2016; Berning and Ziller 2016; Harteveld et al 2015), while a third group looks at party preference – that is, a radical right-wing party is somebody’s favourite party (e.g. Aichholzer et al 2014; Dunn 2015; Lucassen and Lubbers 2012).…”

Section: Quantitative Studies On the Radical Rightmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Due to the predominance of anti-immigration views in radical right-wing party platforms, it is not surprising that sentiments against immigrants are the most frequently employed predictor to explain why some individuals opt for a radical right-wing party, while others do not (e.g. Aichholzer et al 2014; Baur et al 2016; Blinder et al 2013). Yet, the empirical link between anti-immigrant attitudes and support for the radical right is less strong than expected.…”

Section: The Individual Predictors Of the Radical Right-wing Votementioning

confidence: 99%

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Individual Predictors of the Radical Right-Wing Vote in Europe: A Meta-Analysis of Articles in Peer-Reviewed Journals (1995–2016)

Stockemer¹,

Lentz²,

Mayer³

2018

Gov. & oppos.

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In this article, we summarize the individual demand-level factors explaining the radical right-wing vote in European countries. To do so, we first review 46 quantitative peer-reviewed articles featuring the individual vote choice in favour of a radical right-wing party as the dependent variable. To identify relevant articles, we use Kai Arzheimer’s bibliography on the radical right and employ the following inclusion criterion: the articles must be written in English, they must use the individual vote for a radical right-wing party as the dependent variable, they must use a quantitative methodology and they must include some type of regression analysis. Using this strategy, we conduct a meta-analysis of 329 relevant models and find that over 20 individual variables are tested. Because many variables such as attitudes towards immigration, employment, age, education and gender only show moderate success rates in attempting to explain an individual’s propensity to vote for the radical right, we complement the review of quantitative studies with an analysis of 14 qualitative publications. The review of these qualitative works shows that the processes through which somebody becomes a voter, supporter or activist of the radical right are often more complex than the commonly used surveys can portray them. Frequently, feelings of relative economic deprivation and dissatisfaction with the political regime trigger an awakening that makes individuals seek engagement. However, the processes behind this awakening are complex and can only be partially captured by quantitative studies.

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Section: Quantitative Studies On the Radical Rightmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Individual Predictors Of the Radical Right-wing Votementioning

confidence: 99%

Individual Predictors of the Radical Right-Wing Vote in Europe: A Meta-Analysis of Articles in Peer-Reviewed Journals (1995–2016)

Stockemer¹,

Lentz²,

Mayer³

2018

Gov. & oppos.

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“…Albertazzi and Mc Donnell ; Baur et al. ; Hartleb ; Ladner ; Manatschal and Rapp ). However, this discussion does not have to take place here, as we do not want to label the party as right‐wing populist or not.…”

Section: Populismmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Albertazzi and Mc Donnell ; Baur et al. ; Hartleb ; Ladner ; Manatschal and Rapp ). Historically, it is known that until the beginning of the 1990s considerable differences between the cantonal branches existed as the party as a whole embraced sections from the liberal Berne wing to the radical SVP Zurich (e.g.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Supply and Demand of Populism: A Quantitative Text Analysis of Cantonal SVP Manifestos

Storz

Bernauer

2018

Swiss Political Sci Review

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This article studies the heterogeneity of cantonal SVP branches in terms of populism and relates it to individual populist attitudes around the 2015 National Council elections. Quantitative text analysis of party manifestos delivers measures of populism for 24 cantonal branches of the SVP. These estimates are related to individual-level 2015 Selects survey data. The results indicate that there is still a variety of populism between the different cantonal branches of the SVP, even after the split into two parties (BDP and SVP). Evidence for general correspondence between contextual populism (supply side) and individual-level populist attitudes (demand side) is limited, but some patterns related to the existence of the BDP emerge.2 Like Ibenskas and Sikk (2017) we understand a split of a party "as the foundation of a new party (splinter party) by politician(s) formerly affiliated with another party" (ibid.: 46). 3 We exclude Appenzell Inner and Outer Rhodes as those party systems are different from the others. Political parties are in general not that important in those cantons and parties developed late (Vatter 2016: 126).

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Sociological and Historical Factors: From the Present Society Back to History

Wahl¹

2019

The Radical Right

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Immigration-related political culture and support for radical right parties

Cited by 18 publications

References 66 publications

Individual Predictors of the Radical Right-Wing Vote in Europe: A Meta-Analysis of Articles in Peer-Reviewed Journals (1995–2016)

Individual Predictors of the Radical Right-Wing Vote in Europe: A Meta-Analysis of Articles in Peer-Reviewed Journals (1995–2016)

Supply and Demand of Populism: A Quantitative Text Analysis of Cantonal SVP Manifestos

Sociological and Historical Factors: From the Present Society Back to History

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