2014
DOI: 10.1353/aq.2014.0068
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Imperial Whiteness and the Diasporas of Empire

Abstract: Focusing on Arab diasporic engagements with the structures of Zionist and US imperial war within the United States, this essay calls for collapsing spatiotemporal distinctions between the Middle East and the United States in Middle East studies, American studies, and Arab American studies. The author reflects on the significance of imperialism and white supremacy to the experience of living a US and Israeli-led military invasion from the distance of the diaspora and to the criminalization of constitutionally p… Show more

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Cited by 20 publications
(5 citation statements)
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“…Last, militarism with the war on terror reinforms a new Orientalist (Said 1978) racialized transnational assemblage of Islam that also informs religious-political fault lines around Hinduism (Patel 2014), Judaism, and Islam. The United States’ and Europe’s distribution of military aid, the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, the rise of the Islamic State, and the global fear of terrorist attacks in the West and global South propagate racist Islamophobia in addition to postcolonial conflicts (Mama 2001; Naber 2014). The transnational assemblage that justifies invasion and militarism reifies a discursive white global order by distributing tenuous political and economic rewards to gulf state Middle East Muslim allies and by strengthening Western religious and cultural divides.…”
Section: A Gcrr Frameworkmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Last, militarism with the war on terror reinforms a new Orientalist (Said 1978) racialized transnational assemblage of Islam that also informs religious-political fault lines around Hinduism (Patel 2014), Judaism, and Islam. The United States’ and Europe’s distribution of military aid, the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, the rise of the Islamic State, and the global fear of terrorist attacks in the West and global South propagate racist Islamophobia in addition to postcolonial conflicts (Mama 2001; Naber 2014). The transnational assemblage that justifies invasion and militarism reifies a discursive white global order by distributing tenuous political and economic rewards to gulf state Middle East Muslim allies and by strengthening Western religious and cultural divides.…”
Section: A Gcrr Frameworkmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Studies of Arab American youth have documented serious bullying and discrimination since this time, leading to concerns with stress and esteem (Albdour et al., 2017; Tabbah et al., 2016). Some actively hid their Arab identities, through changing names, accents, and wardrobes, in the face of hostility within the US (Naber, 2014). Muslim, Arab, and other Americans have had their citizenship and patriotism publically and routinely questioned (Akram, 2002; Alsultany, 2012; Selod, 2015), as the rate of violent crimes against Arab Americans and Muslim Americans increased dramatically following 9/11 (ADC, 2008).…”
Section: Arab and Muslim Identities In The Usmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…When riding through Hailey on his motorcycle for a Bring Bowe Home rally, Bergdahl looked like any other member of the Rolling Thunder bikers with their black clothes and abundant facial hair. But those same visual cues-the beard and what could be made intelligible as "traditional clothing"-are "associated with Arabness or Islam" (Naber 2014(Naber , 1112. Bergdahl seemed to be accommodating visual grammars of selfhood that could be intelligible to dual audiences and, in doing so, unsettling assumptions about the fundamental duality of those audiences.…”
Section: Paternal Peacementioning
confidence: 99%