Implications of Harmonic Serialism for lexical tone association

McCarthy, John J.; Mullin, Kevin; Smith, Brian

doi:10.1515/9783110295177.265

Cited by 9 publications

(16 citation statements)

References 29 publications

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“…8 This paper further follows previous work in assuming that a tone shift operation is not part of Gen (McCarthy et al 2012: 267ff, but 8 A major conclusion made by McCarthy et al (2012) is that in HS, tone cannot be lexically linked in any language. This is at odds with the present approach, where lexical linking is assumed.…”

Section: Harmonic Serialismsupporting

confidence: 67%

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Deriving bounded tone with layered feet in Harmonic Serialism: The case of Saghala

Breteler

2017

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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This paper proposes an approach to bounded tone shift and spread as found in Bantu languages. Its core intuition is that the bounding domain is delimited by foot structure. The approach uses layered foot representations to capture ternary phenomena, following Martinez-Paricio & Kager (2015). A set of licensing and structural constraints regulate tone-foot interactions. Harmonic Serialism is adopted as the grammatical framework, to allow for an account of opaque patterns (Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004McCarthy 2010a).The present approach improves on previous accounts in two ways. Firstly, the size of the tonal bounding domain follows from independently motivated foot representations, rather than being stipulated in the constraint set. Secondly, the approach obviates the need for markedness constraints that refer to underlying structure, because all relevant lexical information is reflected in foot structures.The approach is demonstrated on Saghala (Patin 2009). Saghala shows both shift and spread in a trisyllabic domain. There are six tone patterns, dependent on the contact or near-contact of tones, and the position of word boundaries. An analysis is presented that accounts for all patterns. The success of the analysis shows that the foot-based approach is equipped to deal with a variety of bounded tone phenomena.

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Section: Harmonic Serialismsupporting

confidence: 67%

“…The present operation set closely follows previous work on this topic. See Pruitt (2010; for an in-depth treatment of implementing metrical structure and stress in HS, and see McCarthy et al (2012) for previous work on tone.…”

Section: Harmonic Serialismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Deriving bounded tone with layered feet in Harmonic Serialism: The case of Saghala

Breteler

2017

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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“…Shift in HS can be derived in multiple steps. The two most common situations are: (i) spreading and subsequent delinking from the donor segment, and (ii) delinking of the associated feature and subsequent linking to a different segment (McCarthy 2006;McCarthy, Mullin & Smith 2012b). In this paper, however, we argue that shifting must also be a single Gen operation, which we call Flop (Alderete 1999).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 83%

Shift in Harmonic Serialism

GIETZ¹,

Jurgec²,

PERCIVAL

2022

J. Ling.

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Harmonic Serialism is a serial version of Optimality Theory in which Gen is restricted to one operation at a time. What constitutes one operation has been a key question in the literature. This paper asks whether shift, in which a feature moves/flops from one segment to another, should be considered an operation. We review three pieces of evidence that suggest so. We show that only the one-step shift analysis can capture the tonal patterns in Kibondei and the segmental patterns in Halkomelem; grammars that rely on spreading or floating features cannot. We complement these findings with a factorial typology in which the one-step shifting grammars predict several attested patterns that the grammars without one-step shift cannot. We conclude that shift must be a single operation in Harmonic Serialism.

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“…The faithfulness constraints are likewise meant to stand in for a nuanced account of place faithfulness. For discussion of how directionality and place‐faithfulness is best captured in OT, and for improved accounts which go beyond the scope of this article, see Becker and Tessier (2011) and references therein, but also McCarthy, .) Note that since Agree‐Right is a markedness constraint, the learners ranking biases will at first place it at the top of the hierarchy, resulting the regression shown here:…”

Section: Type 2: Regressions That Emerge From Child‐specific Processesmentioning

confidence: 99%

U‐shaped development in error‐driven child phonology

Tessier

2019

WIRES Cognitive Science

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Phonological regressions or U-shaped development have frequently been observed in longitudinal studies of child speech production. However, the typology of which phonological patterns regress, and their implications for learning, have not been given much attention in the recent literature on constraint-based phonological development. One basic question is simply the definition of a phonological regression, as created by the grammar or other mechanisms, which is in turn dependent on the type of grammar and learner assumed. This paper systematically addresses the question of whether or not attested phonological regressions are incompatible with an error-driven approach to grammatical development, whereby each round of learning is predicted to move the learner closer to the target language. From this perspective, this survey discusses case studies of phonological regression in the literature, grouped according to their ease of explanation under error-driven learning.Three types are identified and exemplified: regressions which are easily explained with existing error-driven algorithms for constraint-reranking; regressions which can also be derived through error-driven learning by adopting an additional tool (for incorporating child-specific phonetic experience); and regressions whose errordriven motivation remains unclear. Another central theme of the survey is the degree of variation and lexical exceptionality among these regression patterns, and the extent to which such variability is captured in the learner's algorithms or grammar. Interim conclusions are provided, and necessary future directions for empirical and theoretical research are discussed. This article is categorized under:Linguistics > Language Acquisition Linguistics > Linguistic Theory K E Y W O R D S constraint-based grammar, learning algorithms, phonological acquisition, regressions

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Implications of Harmonic Serialism for lexical tone association

Cited by 9 publications

References 29 publications

Deriving bounded tone with layered feet in Harmonic Serialism: The case of Saghala

Deriving bounded tone with layered feet in Harmonic Serialism: The case of Saghala

Shift in Harmonic Serialism

U‐shaped development in error‐driven child phonology

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