In and Out of the Shadows of Citizenship

The vulnerability of tropical peatlands to oil and gas exploration and extraction

“…There is a well-developed literature on the social, political, cultural and ethical implications of the development of oil and gas on indigenous groups in dryland environments in the tropics (e.g. Kimerling 2006; Orta-Martínez and Finer 2010; Lu, Valdivia, and Silva 2017) but relatively little understanding yet of the effects of this kind of development on the often highly specialized ways of life of groups living in and around wetlands. Not least, our understanding of the consequences of oil and produced water contamination is incomplete without considering their effect on human health (Orta-Martínez et al 2018b; Fernández-Llamazares et al 2020), or the social and environmental justice implications of the fact that these impacts have frequently fallen disproportionately on indigenous and/or marginalized populations (Orta-Martínez and Finer 2010; Andueza et al in prep.).…”

“…Remarkably similar histories have accompanied road building by oil firms in the Oriente Basin in Ecuador (Lu, Valdivia, and Silva 2017); there, another documented secondary effect with biodiversity implications was the development of a wholesale market for bushmeat (Suárez et al 2009). Oil companies have built access roads, airports and harbours in the Niger Delta, which have been linked to deforestation and immigration (e.g.…”

“…Governments may be highly motivated to support infrastructure development by the oil and gas industry, for example, where they stand to share in oil revenues or where it boosts local incomes (Hilmawan and Clark 2019). There may also be direct investment in local communities by oil companies, for example, by providing employment, financial assistance, health centres or sanitation works (Lu, Valdivia, and Silva 2017). A by-product of this provision of jobs and infrastructure is that it encourages and facilitates immigration.…”

Disaster Extractivism: Latin America’s Extractive Shock Therapy in the Age of COVID-19

“…Therefore, we cannot speak of Chile’s “extractive development miracle” as a function of the gross domestic product without noting the country’s extreme economic inequality (Babidge and Bolados, 2018; COHA, 2011; Laing, Sherwood, and Cambero, 2019; OECD, 2019), the hollowing out of its already limited system of political representation, or the enormous costs represented by the pillage and plunder of ecosystems (Chile Sustentable, 2003). Similarly, Ecuador’s strides toward extractivism-funded economic equality simultaneously and disproportionately dispossess and oppress indigenous populations surrounding the Amazonian oil fields (Lu, Valdivia, and Silva, 2017). The Yasuni-ITT initiative championed by the post-neoliberal Ecuadorian government promised to protect the environment and indigenous populations of the Yasuni-ITT region by leaving oil underground but was abandoned when the financial needs of the central state superseded all ethical concerns (Le Quang, 2015; Sovacool and Scarpacci, 2016).…”

Landscapes of dispossession: Criminal justice and property rights in Mexico (2015–2020)

“…As a legal category, dispossession is as old as the regulation of the limits of ownership and territory (Cramer and Richards, 2011; Peña-Huertas, et al, 2017; Gutiérrez Sanín, 2014; Meneses-Reyes et al, 2021). However, it is important to recognize that the various form of land takeover follow different trajectories and conform unique political configurations (Lu et al, 2017). Among these, the legal system—regulations, institutions, and expectations (Friedman, 1975)—plays an important role in defining which type of dispossession event may be considered a crime.…”