“In Europe It’s Different”: Homonationalism and Peripheral Desires for Europe

Ethnonationalism and attitudes towards gay and lesbian rights in Northern Ireland

“…In fact, some scholars go so far as to suggest that the advancement of gay and lesbian rights is creating new divisions and hierarchies between European nations, namely the perceived morally superior and gay‐friendly ‘modern West’ model, as advocated in established western democracies, vs. the backward and ‘homophobic East’ approach, such as that found in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), where homosexuality is portrayed as a perversion and foreign import (Ammaturo ). Not all scholars, however, agree with this bi‐polar and internally homogeneous view of these European nations, particularly in terms of the characterisation of CEE (Colpana and Habed ; Moss ). For example, whereas some analysts point to the legally precarious position of gay and lesbian people in Italy, despite its status as an established democratic western nation, others reject the unified homophobic characterisation of some CEE nations, pointing, for example, to the greater tolerance of gay and lesbian citizens in Slovenia and to a somewhat lesser extent in Croatia as compared with Serbia.…”

The housing pathways of lesbian and gay youth and intergenerational family relations: a Southern European perspective

“…In relation to the inclusion and social acceptance of LGBT people across Europe, Southern European countries are often portrayed as 'backward' in opposition to an imagined 'modern' European Union which is inclusive, tolerant and promotes civil rights (e.g. Colpani & Habed, 2014). However, in the last decade there has been an increasing differentiation within the area, with Portugal and Spain deeply engaged in promoting a very progressive agenda with respect to marriage, adoption and combatting homo/lesbo/transphobia, while Greece and Italy appear to remain in a 'backward' position (Moreno & Mari-Klose, 2013).…”

Ana is here: Abjection, class privilege, and the prime minister Ana Brnabic

“…politikama uslovljavanja često daju kolonijalne dimenzije (Bilić, 2016a;Bilić i Stubbs, 2016;Kulpa, 2014). Važan neokolonijalni aspekt pridruživanja Evropskoj uniji povezan je s porastom homonacionalizma kao izrazom skorašnje kapitalističke rekonfiguracije koja nije samo omogućila tankom sloju belih neheteroseksualca srednje klase da se uključe u "nacionalno biće", već je u sve većoj meri neheteroseksualnost, ukroćenu binarnim relacijama (brakom/partnerstvom) i konzumerizmom, konstruisala kao jedan od kriterijuma demokratskog građanstva (Colpani i Habed, 2014). Ovaj proces je u lokalnom kontekstu tekao u dva kraka: s jedne strane, izbor Ane Brnabić koja, kako ćemo videti u daljem tekstu, ne samo da ne problematizuje već i promoviše neoliberalne politike, trebalo je da u očima predstavnika Evropske unije posvedoči o navodno demokratskoj prirodi srbijanskog režima (Jovanović, 2020); dok je, s druge -unutrašnjopolitičke strane (kojom se ovde bavim) -istakao transgresivni kapacitet zazora da ukaže na postojanje drugačijih tela (Butler, 1993).…”