Christian Lund and how this ought to be the centre of analysis of the formation of political authority. Finally, I provide two concise examples from Ghana and Indonesia. THE ARGUMENT Dynamics of State Formation and Institutional Pluralism Treating the 'state' as a finished product gets in the way of understanding it. The state is always in the making. Political authority is (re-)produced through its successful exercise over an important issue in relation to the social actors concerned. 2 To move beyond the mere incantation of this claim, this Introduction investigates and specifies contracts of recognition as the key dynamic of the constitution of authority, and the chapters which follow describe and demonstrate it. The argument I pursue is that the ability to entitle and disenfranchise people with regard to property, to establish the conditions under which they hold that property-together with the ability to define who belongs and who does not, and to establish and uphold rank, privilege and social servitude in its many forms-is constitutive of state power. Claims to rights prompt the exercise of authority. Struggles over property and citizenship are therefore as much about the scope and constitution of political authority as they are about access to resources and membership of polities. Hence, investigating the social production of property and citizenship enables concrete understanding of the dynamics of authority or state formation. Granted, there are many problematics of government (Rose and Miller, 1992), and not all questions of state formation can be reduced to property and citizenship. Government-or authority-forms around the control over central resources, and in some historical periods, and in some places, key resources may be trading points and routes; they may be 'knowledge' or 'security', or even more abstract sources of wealth. It seems prudent to remain open to different kinds of combinations at all times. Yet, property (especially in land) and citizenship are increasingly such central resources in most societies, and engaging with these two fundamental and substantive questions in terms of their production allows us to traverse a broad series of dynamic questions of how property and citizenship are made. 3 This takes 2. I use public and political authority interchangeably. Public points to the 'not private and not secret' aspect of exercised authority. Political, on the other hand, points to its contentious element. In most cases, both features apply. 3. I draw on a broad literature on state and political authority, property and citizenship, including: