Meanings of Violence in Contemporary Latin America 2011
DOI: 10.1057/9780230120037_11
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(In)visible Connections and the Makings of Collective Violence

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Cited by 19 publications
(5 citation statements)
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“…Auyero and Joseph (2007) promote ethnography as the best tool to investigate politics, and to reveal an often hidden or 'gray zone' of politics (Auyero, 2007, pp. 31-53;Auyero, 2010; see also Brink-Danan, 2009, p. 6). This approach fostered a shift away from an exclusive focus on spectacular events such as riots and communal violence (Brass, 1997;Hansen 2001), political rallies and demonstrations (Auyero, 2000a), official parliamentary politics (Abélès, 2006;Crewe, 2015), and the analysis of election results, towards the study of everyday politics.…”
Section: Ethnographies Of Electoral Processes and The Neglect Of Fraudmentioning
confidence: 98%
“…Auyero and Joseph (2007) promote ethnography as the best tool to investigate politics, and to reveal an often hidden or 'gray zone' of politics (Auyero, 2007, pp. 31-53;Auyero, 2010; see also Brink-Danan, 2009, p. 6). This approach fostered a shift away from an exclusive focus on spectacular events such as riots and communal violence (Brass, 1997;Hansen 2001), political rallies and demonstrations (Auyero, 2000a), official parliamentary politics (Abélès, 2006;Crewe, 2015), and the analysis of election results, towards the study of everyday politics.…”
Section: Ethnographies Of Electoral Processes and The Neglect Of Fraudmentioning
confidence: 98%
“…Currently, the violence and insecurity in Latin America is not the consequence of a defect in the institutional design of its democracies, or its strengths of order and justice systems, rather they exist more as a result of its social organization (Bobea 2010;Landman 2010). This has particularly been demonstrated in countries such as Colombia (Ramírez 2010), Argentina (Auyero 2010;Stanley 2010), Brazil (Gay 2010), Mexico (Guardino and Walker 1992), Peru and Bolivia (Maldonado 2010a).…”
Section: Articlementioning
confidence: 99%
“…Typically, these actors include, for instance, politicians striving for electoral success, traders of illicit goods fending off competitors or criminal investigations, and further parties who seek to take vengeance, pursue gains, impose authority, or secure territorial dominion over urban areas (see Araujo 2019; Arias and Barnes 2017). These networks can also be understood as emerging from “clandestine connections” in Auyero’s (2010) sense, as they skilfully elude broader visibility and public accountability (see also Auyero and Mahler 2011). Third, these hybrid entanglements demonstrate how the parapolice practices thus fostered by institutional affinities and clandestine connections can be mobilised as part of embodied political and economic projects that transcend individual parapolice actors’ immediate material or territorial interests.…”
Section: “Quem Mandou Matar Marielle?”mentioning
confidence: 99%