Inclusion and Democracy

Abstract

Theorists of deliberative democracy have not sufficiently attended to the ways that processes of debate and decision making often marginalize individuals and groups not only because of their lesser social and economic power but also because the norms of political discussion are biased against some forms of expression. Democratic theory should include forms of acknowledgement, narrative, rhetoric, and public protest, along with argument, in its account of the normative ideals of political communication. Inclusive democracy involves more than the formal equality of all individuals and groups to enter the political process, but entails taking special measures to compensate for the social and economic inequalities of unjust social structures. Such special measures may require forms of group representation, in order that the particular social perspective of group members gains voice. Residential segregation poses particular problems for inclusive democracy in many societies. Organizing metropolitan governance systems with diverse representation may respond to such problems. In a globalized world, finally, the project of inclusive democracy involves criticizing adherence to nation‐state sovereignty and creating global level democratic institutions.

A cidadania, o universalismo e a diferença

“…Com efeito, Young entende que a desigualdade social e econômica dá a alguns grupos o poder e os recursos que lhes permitem dominar a definição de bem comum, o que conduz a que este, apesar de ser apresentado como tendo um carácter geral, traduza as experiências, as perspectivas e as prioridades de um grupo em particular, o que significa que, mesmo em processos formalmente democráticos, a diferente capacidade de intervenção de um grupo poderá conduzir a uma situação de facto de desigualdade política e, consequentemente, ajudar a reproduzir a desigualdade econômica e social (Young, 2002).…”

Rethinking Women's Substantive Representation

“…It is possible to agree with Weldon when she concludes that "examining multiple sources of representation provides a more complete picture of the possibilities for -and limits on" the SRW (Weldon 2002(Weldon , 1171 but retain a stronger focus on the potential of female representatives as critical actors to be important modes of the SRW, albeit often in interaction with actors in other institutional sites (Childs and Withey 2006). For us, this is not a zero-sum game between women representatives, WPA"s, and women"s movements (Young 2002), but rather one in which the conditions under which the SRW occurs are fully delineated . Indeed, evidence of "critical mass theory", whatever its other faults, shows that in some instances, women representatives have both sought to and acted for women.…”

“…women"s interests, wants and needs). 13 Dovi"s (2002) reading of Young (2002) suggest that Young"s reconceputalization of representation has led her away from group representation -we disagree. 14 Male representatives can claim to and/or make woman"s perspectives present if they possess social relations that provide them with similar experiences and social knowledge, although this might be less likely because men are mostly differently "positioned" from women.…”

“…Feminists, in particular, have devoted considerable efforts to conceptualizing (and arguably, reclaiming) the relationship between descriptive and substantive representation, between "being like" and "acting for" or "speaking for" women (Phillips 1995;Mansbridge 1999;Young 2002). In these efforts, they can -and have -drawn on Pitkin herself.…”

“…For Young, women may have different and/or conflicting interests and opinions but nonetheless share a social perspective (Young 2002). 13 This approach enables a "starting-point for discussion" -namely, a set of questions, experiences, and assumptions with which reasoning begins -rather than offering more rigid prescriptions as to what all of these necessarily entail (Young 2002, 137 and 140; see also Mansbridge 1999).…”