Inclusion without Solidarity: Education, Economic Security, and Attitudes toward Redistribution

Gelepithis, Margarita; Giani, Marco

doi:10.1177/0032321720933082

Cited by 32 publications

(30 citation statements)

References 65 publications

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“…The findings confirm the role of education for individuals' position on social cleavages and add a piece to this puzzle: the education effect persists over generations, as the group of graduates with highly educated origins differ in their attitudes towards Brexit from their firstgeneration graduate peers. Thus, our findings feed into the research on the preferences and partisan identities of university graduates (Ansell & Gingrich, 2018;Gelepithis & Giani, 2020;Gingrich & Häusermann, 2015;Häusermann et al, 2015). In particular, our findings lend support to Ansell and Gingrich's (2018) expectation that heterogeneity between graduates may make it difficult to bind cross-class coalitions.…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 80%

Intergenerational social mobility and the Brexit vote: How social origins and destinations divide Britain

McNeil

Haberstroh

2022

European J Political Res

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To explain political divisions within British society, the current scholarship highlights the importance of the 'winners' and 'left-behind' of political economic transformations. Yet, the impact of widespread absolute intergenerational social mobility in the past half century, which resulted in socio-economic gains or losses for many, has not been systematically addressed. Our paper assesses how intergenerationally mobile voters' positions in the Brexit referendum differ from their non-mobile counterparts. We differentiate between the effects of social origins, social mobility and destination position. To do so, we model data from Understanding Society with a diagonal reference model. We show that origins are nearly as important as current socio-economic positions for predicting the probability of voting to 'leave' or 'remain' in the Brexit referendum. We find that a first-generation graduate would be up to 10 percentage points less likely to vote 'Remain' than a graduate whose parents also went to university.

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 80%

Intergenerational social mobility and the Brexit vote: How social origins and destinations divide Britain

McNeil

Haberstroh

2022

European J Political Res

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“…Most researchers have argued that divisions over socio‐cultural conflicts around immigration and supranational authority are responsible for the rise of an education cleavage anchored by radical right, green and liberal parties (Bornschier, 2010; Ford & Jennings, 2020, p. 300–302; Hooghe & Marks, 2018; Stubager, 2010). However, economic inequality along educational lines is as sharp as ever, stoking renewed scholarly interest in the effects of education on attitudes towards redistribution (Bullock, 2020; Gelepithis & Giani, 2020; Marshall, 2015, 2019; Mendelberg et al., 2017).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Redistribution attitudes and vote choice across the educational divide

Attewell

2021

European J Political Res

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How does the educational divide impact contemporary redistributive politics in the knowledge economy? Traditional political economy models which see education as a labour market asset predict the relatively secure educated will oppose redistribution, while the precarious less-educated will support it. In contrast, a conception of education as a marker of social status suggests that the less-educated may be more inclined than status-secure university graduates to draw harsh boundaries against welfare state beneficiaries as a means to maintain social esteem. Building on both theoretical approaches, I analyze 2016 European Social Survey data from 15 Western European countries. I find that education has a negative relationship to support for an expansive welfare state. By contrast, education is strongly positively associated with perceptions of welfare state beneficiaries as deserving. This has implications for education as a structural divide in electoral politics. Evidence that attitudes towards the scope of the welfare state mediate the effects of education on vote choice is mixed. However, KHB mediation analyses decomposing the effects of education on vote choice reveal that deservingness perceptions are a particularly substantial mediator of education effects on voting for radical right and green parties. This explains in part why these parties represent the poles of the educational divide, whose attitudinal basis is usually understood to be socio-cultural rather than redistributive.

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“…In the Appendix, we show that the results below are highly similar if we fix the bandwidth at a range of values (0.5, 1, 3, 5, and 10) (see We include a dummy for female survey interviewer as a covariate because previous research has found that the gender of the interviewer can affect responses to gender-related survey questions (Kane and Macaulay, 1993). Education has been found to be a strong predictor of key socio-political attitudes (e.g., Hagendoorn and Nekuee, 2018;Gelepithis and Giani, 2020), including gender-related attitudes (e.g., Gök et al, 2019). 9 We also tested whether the slope of the interaction between the household education gap and the assignment varied statistically significantly by country.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Household education gaps and gender role attitudes

Giani

Hope

Skorge

2021

PSRM

Self Cite

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Individuals' attitudes about gender roles have been shown to be associated with a wide range of political outcomes. It is therefore crucial to better understand what shapes these attitudes. This note takes advantage of a randomized survey experiment embedded in the 2018 wave of the European Social Survey (ESS) to investigate how differences in education levels between partners influence the “gender childcare bias”—the extent to which individuals disapprove more of women working full time with children under three than men. Although male and female respondents exhibit an equally strong gender childcare bias on average, we find clear-cut evidence that the bias varies asymmetrically across the household education gap for women and men. In particular, positive household education gaps lead to a smaller gender childcare bias for female respondents, whereas the opposite holds for male respondents. Our findings are more in line with a resource-bargaining approach than a gender identity approach to the formation of gender role attitudes.

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Inclusion without Solidarity: Education, Economic Security, and Attitudes toward Redistribution

Cited by 32 publications

References 65 publications

Intergenerational social mobility and the Brexit vote: How social origins and destinations divide Britain

Intergenerational social mobility and the Brexit vote: How social origins and destinations divide Britain

Redistribution attitudes and vote choice across the educational divide

Household education gaps and gender role attitudes

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