Inclusive recycling movements: a green deep democracy from below

Abstract

This paper examines the multiple strategies articulated by grassroots recycler networks to bring about socioenvironmental change. The paper shows how these networks are an emblematic case of grassroots governmentality, whereby urban poor communities contribute to building more inclusive environmental regimes by developing technologies of power more typical of the powerful. These technologies include enumeration, with its resulting self-knowledge; the production of discourses and rationalities of social inclusion and environmental sustainability; and engagement in open and diverse alliances, at times with actors holding apparently antagonistic interests. The paper also reveals how recycling networks are a representative case of deep and green democracy. It is deep democracy, as grassroots networks strive to gain deep and true representativeness in their territories. It is green democracy, as it illustrates alternative pathways to environmental governance that is not limited to state and global organizations, but that also includes a range of control techniques emanating from the communities themselves.

Organising grassroots infrastructure: The (in)visible work of organisational (in)completeness

“…Grassroots organisations usually combine service provision with strategies of political advocacy, negotiation and confrontation (Mitlin, 2018). While some scholars point to the risk of the co-optation of grassroots organisations through their collaboration with governmental and non-governmental actors (Zapata Campos et al, 2021), other commentators argue that the networks they form are turning, deliberately or not, into new urban social movements at the fringes of the formal city (Appadurai, 2001; Holston, 2009).…”

Characteristics, challenges and innovations of waste picker organizations: A comparative perspective between Latin American and East African countries

“…When doing so, they make a significant contribution to reducing the carbon footprint of cities [1][2][3], recovering resources, improving environmental conditions and health of low-income residents, and creating jobs and income among the poor. They are also active in waste management policy making, thus decentralizing and democratizing policy processes [4,5]. Yet, they represent one of the most widely excluded, marginalised and impoverished segments of society [6].…”

“…Yet, waste pickers have managed to build second grade organizations (e.g. networks, federations or trade unions) playing key roles in backing demands to be recognized and formalized as recycling service providers [4,17,18].…”

“…Waste pickers have also been organized across the continent through the Latin American Waste Pickers Network (RedLACRE) and globally in the Global Alliance of Waste Pickers. These national/global waste pickers federations and movements have been important to prompt societal awareness of rights and demands of informal workers, and to strengthen their political influence through collective action [4]. Especially the cases of Brazil and Argentina highlight how institutional and legal structures are crucial to support the creation and further development of WPOs.…”

“…WPOs are well connected at the very local level with residents of informal settlements not serviced by municipal waste collection services, but have difficulties in accessing authorities and markets for recyclables. Here, the more recent city-wide WPO network Kiwan in Kisumu carries a potential to bring benefits also for Kenyan waste pickers [4]. Governmental arrangements for the co-production of waste collection services between WPOs and the city (e.g.…”