Income Trajectories of Lone Parents After Divorce: A View with Belgian Register Data

Mortelmans, Dimitri; Defever, Christine

doi:10.1007/978-3-319-63295-7_9

Cited by 12 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 16 publications

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“…Our study took place in Belgium, a country described by Maldonado and Nieuwenhuis (2015) as having low rates of single‐parent poverty and higher redistribution strategies compared with other European countries (Mortelmans & Defever, 2018). However, because dual‐earner couples are the norm in Belgium, as in many other countries, families in which one parent has responsibility for both the income and the family duties still have difficulties in attaining the same standard of living as other families (Waite & Nielsen, 2001).…”

Section: Coping With Change and Everyday Resiliencementioning

confidence: 99%

Reorganizing theSingle‐ParentFamily System: Exploring the Process Perspective on Divorce

Gasse

Mortelmans

2020

Family Relations

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Objective This study investigated how single parents reorganize their family system after divorce. Background Families are dynamic systems that change over time and adapt to crises. Family researchers often approach divorce as a discrete event, however; and little is known about how single parents overcome this crisis and carry on with their lives. Therefore, we investigated the process of how single parents reorganize their households after divorce. Method Qualitative analysis based on grounded theory was used to code in‐depth retrospective interviews. Two sources of interviews, as well as triangulation and confirmation techniques, were developed to improve the validity of the study. Sensitizing concepts were derived from Olson's circumplex model and life course theory. Results The reorganization process after divorce is described as having six successive stages, each with particular needs and challenges. By overcoming challenges, single parents move on from one phase to another, ultimately finding a new balance. Conclusion Single‐parent family systems, like other family systems, strive for homeostasis and search for a new equilibrium in which it is possible to organize and coordinate various life spheres. This is not a linear process, however, and single parents may experience setbacks. Implications It can be difficult for family practitioners to help people through the process of divorce and reorganization as a single parent because every experience is individual and atypical. However, our findings suggest that there are certain stages that practitioners can monitor to increase the pace of the reorganization process.

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Section: Coping With Change and Everyday Resiliencementioning

confidence: 99%

Reorganizing theSingle‐ParentFamily System: Exploring the Process Perspective on Divorce

Gasse

Mortelmans

2020

Family Relations

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“…Seminal life-course studies have demonstrated that several salient family demographic processes are associated with poverty (Burkhauser and Duncan 1989;Bane and Ellwood 1986;Leisering and Leibfried 1999). In particular, as shown by more recent empirical findings, leaving the parental home (Berzin and de Marco 2010;Vandecasteele 2010;Aassve et al 2007), separation and divorce (Mortelmans and Defever 2018;Harkness 2016), and the transition to parenthood (Hofferth and Goldscheider 2010) are positively associated with poverty. In contrast, being married seems to have a protective role (Gibson-Davis 2015; Brady and Burroway 2012).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 70%

When working isn’t enough: Family demographic processes and in-work poverty across the life course in the United States

Winkle

Struffolino²

2018

DemRes

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BACKGROUND In-work poverty, a phenomenon that engenders social exclusion, is exceptionally high in the United States. The literature on in-work poverty focuses on occupational polarization, human capital, demographic characteristics, and welfare generosity. However, we have no knowledge on the effects of family demographic processes on inwork poverty across individuals' life courses. OBJECTIVE We estimate the risk of in-work poverty in the United States over the life course as a function of family demographic processes, namely leaving the parental home, union formation and dissolution, and the transition to parenthood. METHODS We use data from the 1979 National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY79) and fixed effects regression models with interactions between age and each family demographic process to estimate age-specific associations between these processes and the probability of in-work poverty. RESULTS In-work poverty is a common phenomenon across the life courses of our study cohort: 20% of individuals are at risk of in-work poverty at every age. However, the risk generally decreases for men and increases for women across the life course. Leaving the parental home, entering parenthood, and separation increase, while marriage decreases the risk of in-work poverty. While the associations between marital statuses and inwork poverty are stable over the life course, the associations between parental home leaving and fertility with in-work poverty vary by age.

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“…Indeed, fathers' incomes can even show a rise post separation (e.g. Andress et al 2006;Mortelmans and Defever 2017). Second, this approach of providing a full reduction in child maintenance assumes that expenses are borne equally by both parents.…”

Section: Concluding Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Shared Physical Custody and Child Maintenance Arrangements: A Comparative Analysis of 13 Countries Using a Model Family Approach

Hakovirta

Skinner

2021

European Studies of Population

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This book chapter provides new insights to the question of how child maintenance policies have responded to changing post separation family arrangements and most specifically shared physical custody (SPC). We analyse how SPC is implemented and how it operates in child maintenance policies in 13 countries: Australia, Belgium, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Iceland, New Zealand, Norway, Spain, Sweden, the UK and the U.S. The comparative analysis is based on vignette questionnaire collected in 2017. There are differences in how countries have acknowledged and recognized shared physical custody in their child maintenance policies. It varies from complete annulment of obligations, to some countries making finer grained adjustments to reduce child maintenance obligations and yet others’ making no changes as a result of shared physical custody, with the paying parent still having to provide the full amount of child maintenance. It seems there is no standard practice and nor do the different arrangements map easily onto child maintenance scheme typology. The latter is surprising, as it might have been expected that similarly structured child maintenance schemes would treat shared physical custody in similar ways. This variability demonstrates a lack of coherence across child maintenance policies on how to deal with this phenomenon of greater gender equality in post-separation parenting arrangements.

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Income Trajectories of Lone Parents After Divorce: A View with Belgian Register Data

Cited by 12 publications

References 16 publications

Reorganizing theSingle‐ParentFamily System: Exploring the Process Perspective on Divorce

Reorganizing theSingle‐ParentFamily System: Exploring the Process Perspective on Divorce

When working isn’t enough: Family demographic processes and in-work poverty across the life course in the United States

Shared Physical Custody and Child Maintenance Arrangements: A Comparative Analysis of 13 Countries Using a Model Family Approach

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