Incomplete devoicing in formal phonology

Oostendorp, M. van

doi:10.1016/j.lingua.2007.09.009

Cited by 67 publications

(64 citation statements)

References 23 publications

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“…At the same time devoiced stops are distinct from voiced stops, failing to exhibit voicing during the closure phase. Thus, at least phonetically neutralization of the laryngeal contrast in word-final position in Friulian is incomplete, similarly to what has been reported for other languages, such as Catalan (Dinnsen and Charles-Luce, 1984;Charles-Luce and Dinnsen, 1987), Polish (Slowiaczek and Dinnsen, 1985), Russian (Pye, 1986;Shrager, 2002), and Dutch (Warner et al, 2004;Ernestus and Baayen, 2006); a recent overview is found in van Oostendorp (2008).…”

Section: Incomplete Neutralization In Final Devoicingsupporting

confidence: 68%

Final devoicing and vowel lengthening in Friulian: A representational approach

Iosad

2012

Lingua

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This paper proposes an account of final devoicing in Friulian which relies on contrastive feature specification and feature geometry to explicate the connection between final devoicing and vowel lengthening. It is proposed that obstruents which are the outcome of final devoicing are phonologically distinct from true voiceless obstruents, being completely unspecified for laryngeal features. It is argued that the representational deficiency of such delaryngealized obstruents is directly connected to their inability to license a mora, which opens the way to vowel lengthening. More generally, the paper shows how feature geometry may be adapted to capture the effects of contrastive specification and express markedness relations, and proposes a novel approach to hierarchies involving the sonority of coda segments.Keywords: final devoicing, moraic theory, sonority hierarchy, feature geometry, Romance languagesThe present paper has two purposes. Empirically, it focuses on final devoicing in Friulian and on the connection between final devoicing and vowel lengthening. Its aim is to account both for the phonetic phenomena involved in final devoicing and for the fact that stressed vowels are lengthened before devoiced obstruents (but only in a word-final syllable). From a theoretical perspective, the paper takes up several strands of recent research into markedness relations. I argue that feature specifications should be assigned solely on the basis of phenomena attested within Email address: pavel.iosad@uit.no (Pavel Iosad)

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Section: Incomplete Neutralization In Final Devoicingsupporting

confidence: 68%

Final devoicing and vowel lengthening in Friulian: A representational approach

Iosad

2012

Lingua

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“…We aim to account for the opacity in CS metaphony and vowel epenthesis by means of Turbidity Theory (TT, Goldrick 2001;Revithiadou 2007;Van Oostendorp 2008), a strictly parallel, constraint-based model that assumes a containment theory of faithfulness (McCarthy and Prince 1993). Containment theory in OT assumes that all information present in the input is contained in the output.…”

Section: Turbidity Theorymentioning

confidence: 99%

Opacity in Campidanian Sardinian metaphony

Torres-Tamarit

Linke

Vanrell

2016

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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This paper develops an analysis of two opaque interactions in Campidanian Sardinian that involve metaphony and two other processes, vowel merger in the suffixal domain and word-final vowel epenthesis. The analysis is developed within the formalism of Turbidity Theory, a model assuming containment, combined with privative features, maximal economy in the representation of segments and relativized scope. The basic idea is that metaphony is computed synchronically as a non-local licensing condition of a feature {high} only if it is underlyingly present. We discuss, on the one hand, cases of non-application of metaphony induced by a subset of high vowel inflectional suffixes. We show that underapplication of metaphony in Campidanian Sardinian is due to insertion of a feature {high} in this set of non-low suffixes lacking {high} underlyingly, which does not need to be licensed as it is not lexical. On the other hand, metaphony also underapplies in the presence of epenthesized high vowels, because their feature {high} is again inserted since these vowels have no correspondent in the input. This paper presents an account that allows the implementation of the interacting processes such as metaphony, vowel merger and word-final vowel epenthesis into one paral- lel OT computation. With the help of work on inventory structure, the opaquely interacting processes can be modelled without relying on rule ordering.

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“…Apart from using elements for the representation of segments, the constraint-based analysis developed in this paper assumes Turbidity Theory (Goldrick 2001, Van Oostendorp 2008. Turbidity Theory is based on containment Smolensky 1993/2004), i.e.…”

Section: (3) Phonological Representations Of the Set Of Basque Front mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The formal analysis developed to account for different patterns of vowel interactions in Basque, including those patterns displaying phonological opacity, implements Element Theory (Backley 2011) in Turbidity Theory (Goldrick 2001, Van Oostendorp 2008. The proposed analysis has the virtue of predicting all attested patterns of a specific type of vowel interactions in Basque and excluding the unattested patterns.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…We will show that the proposed analysis accounts for all the attested patterns of a specific type of vowel interactions in dialects of Basque and at the same time excludes the unattested patterns. 4 Furthermore, we will show that an analysis based on Element Theory (Backley 2011) and Turbidity Theory (Goldrick 2001, Van Oostendorp 2008, a version of Optimality Theory Smolensky 1993/2004) that assumes containment, helps accounting for a counter-feeding opaque interaction between two phonological processes involved in vowel interactions.…”

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A typological study of vowel interactions in Basque

et al. 2015

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The aim of this paper is to check the factorial typology for a set of phonological constraints on vowel interactions in Basque against corpus data (Hualde and Gaminde 1998, Euskararen Herri Hizkeren Atlasa, 'The Basque Dialectological Atlas') with the help of OT-Help 2.0 (Staubs et al. 2010), a specialized software that calculates factorial typologies. The formal analysis developed to account for different patterns of vowel interactions in Basque, including those patterns displaying phonological opacity, implements Element Theory (Backley 2011) in Turbidity Theory (Goldrick 2001, Van Oostendorp 2008. The proposed analysis has the virtue of predicting all attested patterns of a specific type of vowel interactions in Basque and excluding the unattested patterns.

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Incomplete devoicing in formal phonology

Cited by 67 publications

References 23 publications

Final devoicing and vowel lengthening in Friulian: A representational approach

Final devoicing and vowel lengthening in Friulian: A representational approach

Opacity in Campidanian Sardinian metaphony

A typological study of vowel interactions in Basque

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