Indonesia’s South–South cooperation: when normative and material interests converged

Abstract

This article analyzes how and why contemporary Global South countries’ South–South cooperation (SSC) exhibits a convergence between normative and material interests. The normative approach underlines that SSC is driven by a country’s experience with colonialism and underdevelopment. SSC is perceived as a mechanism to alter the Global South’s asymmetrical relations with the dominant Global North. The material approach highlights the strategic values of SSC for Southern powers. Through SSC, Southern countries desire to improve their reputation, garner support from other South countries in international fora, and pursue their own broader economic agendas. By utilizing domestic politics analysis, Indonesia’s experience shows that a more pragmatic approach to SSC reflects a broader transformation of Indonesia’s domestic political configuration. While Indonesia’s early practices of SSC prefer normative over material interests, the country’s current policies display a convergence of its material and normative interests, which signifies the emergence of ‘interest-based Third World solidarity’.

South–South Cooperation and global development in a multipolar world: China and India in Africa

“…A second body of literature explores the motivations and rationale behind SSC, the establishment of new multilateral institutions, and the political and ideological motivations for SSC engagement by countries such as China, India, and Indonesia (e.g., Abdenur 2014b; DeHart, 2012; Li et al, 2014; Winanti & Alvian, 2021). In relation to the establishment of the BRICS Development Bank, for example, Abdenur (2014a, p. 85) identifies political reasons behind Chinese backing for the project and argues that “In addition to offering a concrete opportunity to legitimize China's multilateralism strategy – burnishing China's image as a responsible yet pro‐reform global player – the bank project also allows China to influence international development norms.” Indonesia's growing SSC engagement appears to be driven by a desire to challenge the asymmetrical relations that characterize the Global South's relations with the dominant Global North as well as a desire to improve the country's own reputation in international settings with the aim of being better able to pursue its broader economic interests (Winanti & Alvian, 2021). Similarly, Abdenur and Fonseca (2013) discuss how Northern agencies may seek new forms of legitimacy and influence by getting involved in SSC‐related activities.…”

“…A second body of literature explores the motivations and rationale behind SSC, the establishment of new multilateral institutions, and the political and ideological motivations for SSC engagement by countries such as China, India, and Indonesia (e.g., Abdenur 2014b;DeHart, 2012;Li et al, 2014;Winanti & Alvian, 2021). In relation to the establishment of the BRICS Development Bank, for example, Abdenur (2014a, p. 85) identifies political reasons behind Chinese backing for the project and argues that "In addition to offering a concrete opportunity to legitimize China's multilateralism strategyburnishing China's image as a responsible yet pro-reform global playerthe bank project also allows China to influence international development norms."…”

“…In relation to the establishment of the BRICS Development Bank, for example, Abdenur (2014a, p. 85) identifies political reasons behind Chinese backing for the project and argues that "In addition to offering a concrete opportunity to legitimize China's multilateralism strategyburnishing China's image as a responsible yet pro-reform global playerthe bank project also allows China to influence international development norms." Indonesia's growing SSC engagement appears to be driven by a desire to challenge the asymmetrical relations that characterize the Global South's relations with the dominant Global North as well as a desire to improve the country's own reputation in international settings with the aim of being better able to pursue its broader economic interests (Winanti & Alvian, 2021). Similarly, Abdenur and Fonseca (2013) discuss how Northern agencies may seek new forms of legitimacy and influence by getting involved in SSC-related activities.…”

Indonesia’s Self Identity in the Development Assistance Policy through South South and Triangular Cooperation (SSTC)

“…Lastly, a study with a particular focus on Indonesia's SSTC policy was conducted by Winanti & Alvian (2019), which traced the development of Indonesia's SSTC policy throughout the years. Winanti & Alvian found a shift of emphasis to material interest in the most recent form of the policy.…”

The gift of health: Cuba’s development assistance in the Pacific

“…Leslie and Wild (2018) note this regionalism has the potential to be "game-changing" for regional development, including platforms to collectively engage with, and create 'ownership of' international development goals, including the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). It also indicates a renewed sense of agency and indigenous control in the region, which is closely associated with an increasing emphasis on SSC and triangular cooperation (UNOSCC & PIDF, 2019), including the emergence of, and experimentation with, new types of SSC that may be "repositioning the region as the locus of indigenous development efforts" (Leslie & Wild, 2018, p. 23 Key non-Western donors in the region include Japan and China, with Taiwan, South Korea, India and Indonesia also providing various forms of development cooperation (Bozzato, 2017;Lowry Institute, 2019;Radio New Zealand, 2019;Winanti & Alvian, 2019;Zhang, 2020). While it is beyond the scope of this paper to review and compare approaches and practices of the diverse Southern donors, much of this aid is considered to be closely related to soft power objectives including the diplomatic 'tug-of-war' between China and Taiwan, and the use of technical assistance by Indonesia as part of a strategy to weaken support for the Free Papua Movement (Zhang, 2020).…”