Industrialization and the Family in Sociological Theory

Greenfield, Sidney M.

doi:10.1086/223134

Cited by 56 publications

(10 citation statements)

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“…Laslett concluded that family organization was “always and invariably nuclear” (Laslett and Wall 1972). This idea resonated powerfully among sociologists, many of whom had already been questioning the connection between industrialization and nuclear family structure (Greenfield 1961, Litwak 1960, Sussman 1959). …”

Section: Le Play Laslett and The Origins Of Historical Family Demogmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Future of Historical Family Demography

Ruggles

2012

Annu. Rev. Sociol.

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An explosion of new data sources describing historical family composition is opening unprecedented opportunities for discovery and analysis. The new data will allow comparative multilevel analysis of spatial patterns and will support studies of the transformation of living arrangements over the past 200 years. Using measurement methods that assess family choices at the individual level and analytic strategies that assess variations across space and time, we can dissect the decline of patriarchal family forms in the developed world and place Northwest Europe and North America in global comparative context.

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Section: Le Play Laslett and The Origins Of Historical Family Demogmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Future of Historical Family Demography

Ruggles

2012

Annu. Rev. Sociol.

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“…5 Mid-twentieth-century sociological literature highlighted the connection between industrialization and nuclear family structure (e.g., Parsons 1949) and the theory of a transition from stem families to conjugal families was a standard feature of leading sociology textbooks (e.g., Ogburn and Nimkoff 1950:469-73). In the early 1960s, however, the theory came under increasing criticism (e.g., Goode 1963;Greenfield 1961;Litwak 1965;Shanas 1961;Sussman 1959). Once Laslett (1965) announced that family structure had remained unchanged in England for three centuries, Le Play's formulation fell from favor.…”

Section: Decline Of Intergenerational Coresidence--967mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Decline of Intergenerational Coresidence in the United States, 1850 to 2000

2007

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In the mid-nineteenth century, almost 70 percent of persons age 65 or older resided with their adult children; by the end of the twentieth century, fewer than 15 percent did so. Many scholars have argued that the simplification of the living arrangements of the aged resulted primarily from an increase in their resources, which enabled increasing numbers of elders to afford independent living. This article supports a different interpretation: the evidence suggests that the decline of coresidence between generations had less to do with the growing affluence of the aged than with the increasing opportunities of the younger generation. Using data from the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS), I examine long-run trends in the characteristics of both the older and the younger generations to gain insight into changing motivations for coresidence. In particular, I investigate headship patterns, occupational status, income, and spatial coresidence patterns. I also reassess the potential impact of the Social Security program. I conclude that the decline of intergenerational coresidence resulted mainly from increasing opportunities for the young and declining parental control over their children.During the past century and a half, the living arrangements of the aged in the United States shifted dramatically. The dimensions of change are illustrated in Figure 1. In 1850, twothirds of whites age 65 or older lived with an adult child. The percentage of elderly whites residing with adult children declined steadily from 1850 to 1980, reaching a nadir of 13 percent in 1990 before rising slightly in 2000. Among blacks, the trend was less dramatic but still sizeable; coresidence fell from 50 percent in 1870 to 22 percent a century later. 1 The transformation of the living arrangements of the aged was equally dramatic among unmarried men, unmarried women, and married couples, although there was slight variation in the timing of change (Ruggles 2003).This article examines explanations for this remarkable simplification of U.S. family structure. I assess historical evidence from the census to uncover clues about the formation of intergenerational families and the incentives for both the older generation and the younger generation to reside together. I argue that scholars have overemphasized the effects of rising income of the older generation and underestimated the role of growing economic independence of the younger generation. More broadly, I argue that the decline of intergenerational coresidence reflects a decline of patriarchal control brought about by the rise of wage labor and the decline of agriculture.Direct correspondence to Steven Ruggles, University of Minnesota, Minnesota Population Center, 50 Willey Hall, 225 19th Avenue South, Minneapolis, MN 55455 (ruggles@umn.edu). The author is grateful for the comments and suggestions of Catherine Fitch, Miriam King, Carolyn Liebler, Evan Roberts, three anonymous reviewers, the editors of the ASR, and participants at several colloquia and the 2005 meeting of the...

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“…Further, the increase in industrial productivity resulting from the use of sophisticated equipments rapidly gained momentum and transformed into a higher standard of living. Greenfield (1961) reported that as a result of urban industrial revolution the modern, small and nuclear families are established in Western Europe and the United States over the course of development. Park (2001) found that in Korea there was an upward mobility in the society, which is entirely different from the experience of European countries of England, France, and Sweden.…”

Section: Social Relevance Of Industrializationmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Dimensions of Industrial Growth in Tamil Nadu, India: Three Decades of Experience

Sankaran¹,

Rajkumar²

2015

Asian bus. rev.

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Industrial development plays a momentous role in all walks of development. The empirical investigations of world famous works pursued by Simon based and non agro based manufacturing industries of Tamil Nadu include number of factories, productive capital, employment, value of output and value added. This study covers the period of three decades form 1980-81 to 2010-11, so as to understand the effects of the new economic policy. Further, the entire study period has been classified into two folds as pre reform period (1980-81 to 1990-91) and post reform period as (1991-92 to 2010-11). Collected statistics are deflated using wholesale price index to overcome the price fluctuation. The result obtained using annual compound growth rate reveals that almost all the variables express the same level of growth in both agro and non-agro related industries. But, owing to extraordinary performance of chemical based industries the value added of non-agro related industries reveal a dramatic growth. Mention should be made that the growth of employment has shown a negative sign during the reform period. Hence, it is suggested that the policy makers should frame the effective and suitable policy considering the employment generation. Such kind of strategies will give a new life not only to India but also all the developing countries.

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Industrialization and the Family in Sociological Theory

Cited by 56 publications

References 0 publications

The Future of Historical Family Demography

The Future of Historical Family Demography

The Decline of Intergenerational Coresidence in the United States, 1850 to 2000

The Dimensions of Industrial Growth in Tamil Nadu, India: Three Decades of Experience

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