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Black Americans are 3.5 times and Black teenagers are 21 times more likely to be killed by police than their White counterparts. Generally, protective factors such as social class do little to reduce this disparity, as high-income Black Americans are just as likely to be killed by police as low-income Black Americans. Given these outcomes, it is unsurprising that the bulk of sociological research on policing examines disparities in policing outcomes between Black and Brown communities and individuals and their White counterparts. We begin by outlining this important research. In addition to focusing on the consequences of (over)policing, sociologists can make unique contributions to our understanding of the empirical limitations of contemporary policing data and the macro-, meso-, and micro-level mechanisms that contribute to policing inequalities. While we draw upon some research in other disciplines, sociologists can and should do more in these areas. Accordingly, the end of this review focuses on future directions and theoretical possibilities by centering emerging research that pivots sociology to a more direct focus on overcoming the methodological limits of police research and contributing to meaningful behavioral, organizational, and policy changes.
Black Americans are 3.5 times and Black teenagers are 21 times more likely to be killed by police than their White counterparts. Generally, protective factors such as social class do little to reduce this disparity, as high-income Black Americans are just as likely to be killed by police as low-income Black Americans. Given these outcomes, it is unsurprising that the bulk of sociological research on policing examines disparities in policing outcomes between Black and Brown communities and individuals and their White counterparts. We begin by outlining this important research. In addition to focusing on the consequences of (over)policing, sociologists can make unique contributions to our understanding of the empirical limitations of contemporary policing data and the macro-, meso-, and micro-level mechanisms that contribute to policing inequalities. While we draw upon some research in other disciplines, sociologists can and should do more in these areas. Accordingly, the end of this review focuses on future directions and theoretical possibilities by centering emerging research that pivots sociology to a more direct focus on overcoming the methodological limits of police research and contributing to meaningful behavioral, organizational, and policy changes.
In its original form, the following essay was the closing keynote address of the annual meeting of the Sociology of Education Association (SEA), held in Monterey, California on February 20, 2023. That year was the 50th anniversary of both the founding of SEA and the publication of the landmark volume, The Death of White Sociology. In commemorating these events and assessing how the field of sociology has changed 50 years later, this essay juxtaposes the promise of critical quantitative and computational methods (CritQCM) with the problems of epistemic marginalization highlighted in the volume. After describing the rich theoretical diversity foregrounding the critical quantitative and computational movement, the discussion elaborates on three epistemic threats to the aim of the movement to develop and practice counter-hegemonic methodologies. These threats include (1) the qualitative-quantitative divide, (2) White norms and Black epistemic rigor, and (3) normative theory privileging. The essay concludes by contextualizing these epistemic threats with the nation’s current challenge of anomie, which has destabilized normative processes of knowledge recognition, and considers ways CritQCM might respond.
We examined recent process models of accumulated disadvantage with an intersectional lens in order to provide a more complete picture of how disadvantages across punishment and math trajectories can accumulate over time and disparately affect marginalized race-gender groups. Using structural equation modeling (SEM) with a nationally representative longitudinal study of high school students (HSLS-09), we found that punishment trajectories were influenced by math and vice versa, as well as that these relationships differed across math performance and various aspects of math attitudes, including efficacy, utility, and identity. Furthermore, we found that gender, race, and race-gender groups experienced significantly different relationships. When considering the intersection of punishment and math disadvantages, these differences appear to not only accumulate disadvantages within punishment and math trajectories but also across them for marginalized race-gender groups. This was especially true for Black males. We conclude with a discussion of implications for policy and practice.
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