Inside Irredentism: A Global Empirical Analysis

Siroky, David S.; Hale, Christopher

doi:10.1111/ajps.12271

Cited by 67 publications

(26 citation statements)

References 83 publications

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“…This work demonstrates that greater horizontal inequalities increase the likelihood of group conflict. Evidence has come both from case studies (Murshed and Gates, 2005; Must and Rustad, 2019; Simmons, 2014; Stewart, 2008) and from analyses based on large samples (Buhaug et al, 2014; Bustikova, 2014; Cederman et al, 2011; Østby, 2008; Sambanis and Milanovic, 2014; Siroky and Hale, 2017).…”

Section: Grievances As Horizontal Inequality and Relative Deprivationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Grievances and rebellion: Comparing relative deprivation and horizontal inequality

Siroky

Warner

Filip-Crawford

et al. 2020

Conflict Management and Peace Science

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Social science answers to the essential question of group conflict have focused on two main explanations—their motivating “grievances” and their mobilization “capacity” for collective action. Recent years have seen a renewed focus on grievances in the form of horizontal inequalities (between-group inequality), but the important conceptual and potential empirical differences between horizontal inequality and relative deprivation have not yet been incorporated into this discussion fully. This article first discusses these distinctions, and then assesses how they influence collective violence using new global evidence. Consistent with the theoretical discussion, the empirical results indicate that these concepts are not substitutes, and indeed are only weakly correlated, but rather tap into distinct aspects of grievance. The paper discusses the implications of these results, validates them in a series of robustness checks, and concludes with possible extensions along with future directions.

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Section: Grievances As Horizontal Inequality and Relative Deprivationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Grievances and rebellion: Comparing relative deprivation and horizontal inequality

Siroky

Warner

Filip-Crawford

et al. 2020

Conflict Management and Peace Science

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“…The larger the area, the more likely the group is connected with the state by ground transportation. Transnational Ethnic Kin is accounted for in the analyses because it has long been found correlated with both the state-group relationship and with political violence (Davis and Moore 1997;Goemans and Schultz 2017;Huth 1998;Siroky and Hale 2017;Woodwell 2004). I code it as 1 if an ethnic group has a relevant transnational kin and 0 otherwise, as is recorded by EPR.…”

Section: Ethnic Group Level: Data and Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

How State Presence Leads to Civil Conflict

Ying

2020

Journal of Conflict Resolution

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Political scientists and policy-makers have long argued that state weakness leads to civil conflict while enhancing state power helps prevent violence. Why, then, has increased state capacity worldwide recently coincided with more civil conflicts? This study argues that enhanced state presence at the sub-national level—a symptom of growing state capacity—may induce violent resistance from the established non-state powers such as local leaders and communities in the short term. Empirically, I conduct two analyses, one at the province level and the other at the ethnic group level. To measure state presence, I use accuracy of census data in the first analysis and global ground transportation data in the second analysis. Results demonstrate that increased state presence triggers civil conflict, particularly in the first five years of such increasing state presence, and this effect is stronger in remote and ethnically heterogeneous regions. Evidence also suggests that ethnic groups settled in peripheral regions are prominent resisters to state penetration. This paper thus expands prior understanding of the role of state power in civil conflicts.

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“…Much of what we know about nationalism and ethnicity has come via the contributions of quantitative research. Researchers have used data analysis to show that ethnic identities play a vital role in electoral politics (Birnir, 2007), citizenship and immigration policies (Just & Anderson, 2012; Manatschal, 2012), power‐sharing (Cederman, Wimmer, & Min, 2010), minority claim‐making (Cunningham, 2014; Jenne, 2007; Jenne, Saideman, & Lowe, 2007; Saideman & Ayres, 2000; Siroky & Hale, 2017), political violence (Balcells, 2017; Costalli & Ruggeri, 2015; Jenne, 2007; Kalyvas, 2008; Wilkinson, 2004) and right‐wing extremism (Boutcher, Jenkins, & Dyke, 2017; Koopmans & Olzak, 2004).…”

Section: Erin Jenne (Central European University) and Daniel Bochslermentioning

confidence: 99%

Exchange on the quantitative measurement of ethnic and national identity*

Bochsler

Green

Jenne

et al. 2021

Nations and Nationalism

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In recent decades, there has been a noticeable increase in the use of quantitative techniques in the study of ethnicity and nationalism, without, however, a sufficient amount of reflection on how these techniques have contributed to our understanding of ethnic and national identities. As such, in this exchange three sets of authors answer questions about the degree to which it is possible to use quantitative data to measure ethnic and national identities, which types of methods are most suitable in measuring these identities and what the major research findings of this quantitative research are that were not possible using qualitative approaches.

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Inside Irredentism: A Global Empirical Analysis

Cited by 67 publications

References 83 publications

Grievances and rebellion: Comparing relative deprivation and horizontal inequality

Grievances and rebellion: Comparing relative deprivation and horizontal inequality

How State Presence Leads to Civil Conflict

Exchange on the quantitative measurement of ethnic and national identity*

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