2014
DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2014.884073
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Institutionalised cooperation and policy convergence in European defence: lessons from the relations between France, Germany and the UK

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Cited by 25 publications
(9 citation statements)
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“…The next year, at the 2010 Franco‐British summit, the two leaders deliberately put aside the EU's CSDP to focus squarely on their bilateral identity (Menon, , p. 88). With the Lancaster House treaties, they signalled a focus on military capabilities, joint training and readiness for expeditionary warfare (Pannier and Schmitt, ). In a climate of decreasing defence budgets the objective was to make sure that French and British militaries would remain relevant globally.…”
Section: The St Malo Processmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The next year, at the 2010 Franco‐British summit, the two leaders deliberately put aside the EU's CSDP to focus squarely on their bilateral identity (Menon, , p. 88). With the Lancaster House treaties, they signalled a focus on military capabilities, joint training and readiness for expeditionary warfare (Pannier and Schmitt, ). In a climate of decreasing defence budgets the objective was to make sure that French and British militaries would remain relevant globally.…”
Section: The St Malo Processmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Coticchia and Moro (2016) reveal different results in the case of Italy because NATO has played a very significant role, both as preferred source of doctrinal innovation and as broad framework of emulation and 'learning by doing together'. 4 Also, Pannier and Schmitt (2014) illustrate the institutionalized cooperation and the emulation occurred in France, Germany and the UK due to the influence of NATO. Hardt (2017) focuses on the origins of institutional memory, investigating the role played by NATO elites.…”
Section: Force Transformation In Comparative Perspectivementioning
confidence: 99%
“…34 Also, with multinational interventions becoming the new trend for Western states through a combination of normative pressures towards multilateralism and budgetary constraints, 35 the French armed forces had to learn how to cooperate with their partners, which highlighted the differences in strategic cultures, 36 the possibility of reform, 37 but also the potential for convergence with the armed forces of like-minded countries. 38 The nuclear order was also challenged, with new actors threatening traditional deterrence from the outside (by developing new capabilities including nuclear capabilities in some cases), or from below (by conducting actions below the threshold of triggering nuclear reactions). 39 Yet, despite the amplitude of the transformation of the international system, the seduction of 'autonomy' as an objective per se means that any change in the French security policy is judged according to the threshold of a romanticized Gaullism, which serves as a rhetorical resource to shame policies actors disagree with.…”
Section: French Exceptionalism After the Cold Warmentioning
confidence: 99%