“…First, as detailed earlier, the islands' education sector does not separate church and state—in this case an essential state service like primary education—and thereby seems to be at odds with the French constitution. Reviewing negotiations between the islands and Paris, Fazi concluded, ‘Wallis and Futuna … where national legislation applies only when there are explicit provisions to that effect’ (2012:141).In France, there is the separation of church and state. That is a law that was never enacted on Wallis and Futuna.…”
Section: Second Perspective: Diverging Legalities Between Wallis and ...mentioning
Wallis and Futuna are a French overseas collectivity in Oceania. In 1969, the French state formally ceded responsibility for the territory's primary education to the Catholic mission and reimburses related expenses. Against this backdrop, this article uses the negotiations about primary education between these two nonsovereign island territories and their colonial metropole to explore islanders' views of the relationship. We conducted interviews with eight representatives of local institutions associated with primary education and we analyzed relevant official agreements. Our analysis suggests that, from the islanders' perspective, the negotiations with metropolitan France about policies and funding for primary education are driven by different identities located within a shared national identity. We find these identities are not merely different, but complementary in a non-hierarchical fashion. We also find that these identities seem to be mutually constituted between metropolitans and islanders through negotiations that are often adversarial and-from the islanders' view-predicated on detailed knowledge of the history of these negotiations. In addition, the resulting education policies regularly see primary schools receiving unequal treatment in comparison to schools in metropolitan France. However, in counterweight, islanders can also succeed in giving unequal treatment to metropolitan regulations by bending them to suit local interests or values.
“…First, as detailed earlier, the islands' education sector does not separate church and state—in this case an essential state service like primary education—and thereby seems to be at odds with the French constitution. Reviewing negotiations between the islands and Paris, Fazi concluded, ‘Wallis and Futuna … where national legislation applies only when there are explicit provisions to that effect’ (2012:141).In France, there is the separation of church and state. That is a law that was never enacted on Wallis and Futuna.…”
Section: Second Perspective: Diverging Legalities Between Wallis and ...mentioning
Wallis and Futuna are a French overseas collectivity in Oceania. In 1969, the French state formally ceded responsibility for the territory's primary education to the Catholic mission and reimburses related expenses. Against this backdrop, this article uses the negotiations about primary education between these two nonsovereign island territories and their colonial metropole to explore islanders' views of the relationship. We conducted interviews with eight representatives of local institutions associated with primary education and we analyzed relevant official agreements. Our analysis suggests that, from the islanders' perspective, the negotiations with metropolitan France about policies and funding for primary education are driven by different identities located within a shared national identity. We find these identities are not merely different, but complementary in a non-hierarchical fashion. We also find that these identities seem to be mutually constituted between metropolitans and islanders through negotiations that are often adversarial and-from the islanders' view-predicated on detailed knowledge of the history of these negotiations. In addition, the resulting education policies regularly see primary schools receiving unequal treatment in comparison to schools in metropolitan France. However, in counterweight, islanders can also succeed in giving unequal treatment to metropolitan regulations by bending them to suit local interests or values.
“…As prototypical ethno-spaces, islands have spearheaded the study of the production of locality" (2006: 4) According to Peter Hay, identity is constructed around a state of mind very much linked to territoriality: "the nature of the community-its mythology, imagination, its very soul-has been sculpted by its geographical circumstances" (2006: 22). "Islandness" can therefore become part and parcel of nationhood (Baldacchino, 2006(Baldacchino, , 2007Conkling, 2007;Fazi, 2012;Hepburn, 2010Hepburn, , 2012. With regards to Puerto Rico, islandness is expressed in various forms.…”
Section: The Geographical Sourcementioning
confidence: 99%
“…Studies of nationalist movements have long noted that observable or tangible cultural traits have often played a very important role in building the nation (Hutchinson, 1987). Among those traits, language is considered by many to be especially conducive to building nationalist sentiments (Barreto, 1998;Fazi, 2012;Morris, 1995). Morris, through focus groups, explored puertorriqueñidad, or what it meant to be Puerto Rican, among supporters of the three main political parties.…”
Over the last several decades, nationalist movements in liberal democracies have challenged their community's relationship with the state. One such case that has drawn relatively little attention is Puerto Rico. A peculiar feature of Puerto Rican politics is that powerful nationalism coexists with several distinct status options: a reform of the current Commonwealth, statehood (becoming an American state), free association and independence. This article examines the various sources for Puerto Rican nationalism and discusses the relationship between nationalism and each of the status options. It also explains why none of the options has succeeded in gathering majority support amongst Puerto Ricans and why, therefore, the constitutional status quo has so far remained on the island.
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