Integrating Immigrants in Europe

doi:10.1007/978-3-319-16256-0

Cited by 45 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 63 publications

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“…In this sense, they are not a depiction of natural phenomena but a 'reflection' of the social world that necessarily entails 'transforming' and 'reconfiguring' it (Desrosières, 2014, p. 39). However statistics in migration studies have not discussed how to develop statistical categories that would avoid the reproduction of 'state thought' and they are therefore particularly at risk of stigmatising their subject (Scholten et al, 2015;Simon, 2008).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

How can we categorise ‘nationality’ and ‘second generation’ in surveys without (re)producing stigmatisation?

Chimienti

Guichard

Bolzman

et al. 2021

CMS

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Whilst reflexive migration studies have criticised the use of categories such as ‘nationality’ and ‘second generation’ in quantitative research, several gaps on how to develop such reflexivity remain. In qualitative data, the co-construction of knowledge seems feasible during fieldwork, whereas the deductive process of quantitative research limits such interactions and is more at risk of reproducing a ‘state thought’. Through a longitudinal database, the LIVES-FORS cohort survey of the National Center of Competence in Research LIVES – Overcoming Vulnerability: Life Course Perspectives and FORS – the Swiss Centre of Expertise in Social Sciences (herafter LCS), we engage in this discussion and provide some answers. The LCS is an annual longitudinal survey that, in 2013, started following a cohort of young adults born between 1988 and 1997 who grew up in Switzerland. The underlying hypothesis of the LCS is that migrants’ descendants have access to different resources (and often a lack thereof) to Swiss natives. In this paper, we discuss both the theoretical and empirical challenges to using the categories ‘nationality’ and ‘second generation’. We show the fluidity and subjectivity of these categories. By changing the definition of the category ‘second generation’, we increased the proportion of ‘second-generation’ participants from 43 to almost 62% of the sample. Looking across the five waves of the survey, we notice a 2% unexplained variation in the first nationality mentioned by the participants and 31% missing values regarding the nationality at birth – which are both indicators that nationality is a subjective category as well as a legal one. We illustrate that the static and neutral conceptions of these categories reproduce a false and stigmatised image of migrant descendants. To avoid these pitfalls we suggest developing multilevel geographical comparisons to consider the effects of time (age and historical), to use a wider range of information in order to be more precise, to examine different nationalities instead of focusing on the traditional nationalities of labour immigrants in a given country and to explore the reasons for the lack of answers to certain questions. Thus the questionnaires should include both more flexibility in the possibilities for answers and details and more-open questions regarding sensitive issues about the definition of the self. They should be developed through a participative and bottom-up process fostering mixed methods.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

How can we categorise ‘nationality’ and ‘second generation’ in surveys without (re)producing stigmatisation?

Chimienti

Guichard

Bolzman

et al. 2021

CMS

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“…The recent rapid influx of migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers has led to unprecedented diversity in student populations in Europe (European Commission 2018;OECD 2019;Scholten 2015). To address this challenge, education policy frameworks and initiatives in European countries aim to promote common attitudes and values by means of inclusive citizenship education programs that consider differences in student populations defined by migration background (Council of the European Union 2016Union , 2017European Council 2015;European Education and Training Expert Panel 2019).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Citizenship Norms Among Native and Immigrant Students from a European Perspective

Isac

Claes

Sandoval-Hernández

2021

IEA Research for Education

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The unprecedented diversity in student populations in Europe resulting from the recent rapid influx of migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers is an important challenge to implementing inclusive citizenship education across Europe. Current European policy frameworks in education stress that citizenship education needs to promote common attitudes and values in the entire student population while respecting cultural diversity. Nevertheless, existing research on citizenship education tends to give only a fragmented picture. More research is needed to systematically address potential attitudinal differences between groups of students defined by migration background. To this end, this chapter analyzes potential differences in citizenship norms between 36,197 grade 8 immigrant and native-born students across nine European countries participating in IEA's International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS) 2016. More specifically, using multiple group multinomial logistic regression analyses, it investigates the relationship between immigration status and citizenship norms in the nine European countries, while taking into account other individual level characteristics, such as gender, socioeconomic status, and civic knowledge. The study reveals that in most of the countries native-born and immigrant students tend to endorse similar configurations of citizenship norms. When differences in adherence exist (in four out of the nine European countries), the most solid finding indicates that immigrant students are more likely to hold comprehensive citizenship norms when compared to their native-born peers. The findings contribute toward identifying potential differences in citizenship norms among native-born and

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“…In such studies the integration policies towards newcomers, or in the absence of an explicit policy, the functioning of general social institutions for the inclusion and incorporation of them are examined under the assumption that such a national frame sets conditions or even determines processes of integration everywhere in the country and at all levels. There is an abundance of such national case studies, also monitoring and benchmarking policies and funded by policy agencies (for an analysis of the policy-research nexus, see Scholten et al, 2015). There is also an established tradition of comparative studies of countries and their integration models (starting with Hammar /1985/, Brubaker /1992/ and Castles /1995.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Integration Policies of European Cities in Comparative Perspective: Structural Convergence and Substantial Differentiation

Penninx

Garcés-Mascareñas

2016

MET

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godina 32, kolovoz 2016, broj 2: 155-189 155 0 5 25 75 95 100 logo -prijedlog 13. SUMMARYThis article aims to review the comparative study of integration policies of European cities. The first two sections present an analytical framework for the study of immigrants' integration processes and the policies that intend to steer such processes. The third section outlines how local integration policies have developed in relation to national policies and EU integration policies, particularly after 2003. The fourth and main section analyses the framing and content of integration policies of European cities, looking at their diversity in the legal/political dimension, the socio-economic dimension -including the domains of work, housing, education and health -and the cultural, religious and ethnic dimension. It is concluded that there is a structural convergence, in the sense that in the complex structure of multilevel governance of migration and integration, cities do take a similar position, developing horizontal relations of cooperation and exchange. Cities that develop explicit integration policies tend to do this from a more inclusive and pragmatic framing than national and EUpolicies. At the same time, there is great variation in what cities actually do: in the legal/political and in the cultural/religious dimensions, framing, intentions and measures do vary greatly; in the socio-economic dimension this variation is less when it comes to the domains of activity, but more in the intensity of policy intervention.

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Integrating Immigrants in Europe

Cited by 45 publications

References 63 publications

How can we categorise ‘nationality’ and ‘second generation’ in surveys without (re)producing stigmatisation?

How can we categorise ‘nationality’ and ‘second generation’ in surveys without (re)producing stigmatisation?

Citizenship Norms Among Native and Immigrant Students from a European Perspective

Integration Policies of European Cities in Comparative Perspective: Structural Convergence and Substantial Differentiation

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