Interest groups and political parties in Central and Eastern Europe

Czarnecki, Szczepan; Piotrowska, Emilia

doi:10.1057/s41309-021-00139-8

Cited by 4 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 68 publications

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“…Compared to Hungary, where only one dominant party appeared to critically matter for IG politics (Czarnecki & Piotrowska, 2021), Slovenia's experience with only two years of democratic backsliding under the coalition government had not led to IGs noticing the comparable circumstances. However, our research does point to the closing of governmental decision-making for consultative politics as part of the changing macro characteristics of governing.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 96%

Interest Group Strategic Responses to Democratic Backsliding

Fink‐Hafner

Bauman

2022

PaG

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In this article, we offer insights into the plurality of interest groups’ strategic responses to the socially, politically, and economically transformative phenomenon of democratic backsliding. For the purpose of the article, the term “ideational plurality” has been coined to refer to a plurality of interest groups’ ideas leading their activities in general and their choice of strategies concerning the government in particular (attitudinal and behavioural aspects). Two policy fields and two types of interest groups engaged in an institutionalised social partnership—advocacy NGOs (operating in the environmental policy field) and economic groups (trade unions)—are studied comparatively in Slovenia using a mixed‐methods approach. The key findings are that strategic responses to democratic backsliding vary between environmental NGOs and trade unions, as do their ideational plurality, and that environmental NGOs’ ideational plurality damages their potential to struggle against democratic backsliding. In contrast, trade unions’ ideational homogeneity enables them to jointly struggle against governmental destruction of one significant segment of democratic order (institutions of social partnership) without demanding that the government step down for misusing the Covid‐19 pandemic to establish a system of governance that resonates with Viktor Orbán’s ideas of illiberal democracy.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 96%

Interest Group Strategic Responses to Democratic Backsliding

Fink‐Hafner

Bauman

2022

PaG

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“…As for Western European countries, the Netherlands also held its general elections during the period analysed, but the third Rutte government remained in office until January 10, 2022. in various Eastern European countries: Estonia 19 , Lithuania 20 , Romania 21 and Slovakia 22 . There is fruitful analytical space to empirically test the explanatory potential of ideological proximity for interest groups' preference attainment in a comparative perspective, in particular with regard to Eastern Europe, where the study of interest groups and lobbying is gaining momentum after years of scarce empirical analysis (Czarnecki and Piotrowska, 2021).…”

Section: Discussion Of the Findings And Future Researchmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…(2021b) with their comparative study on trade unions in Western Europe, Chaqués-Bonafont et al . (2021) on the Spanish case, Czarnecki and Piotrowska (2021) on Central and Eastern Europe, and Røed (2023) on Norway.…”

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confidence: 99%

Change of government and interest groups' preference attainment on the formulation of the Italian National Recovery and Resilience Plan (NRRP): from Conte to Draghi

Pritoni

Bitonti

Montalbano

2023

Riv. ital. sci. polit.

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This article focuses on how the 20 main Italian interest groups evaluated the contents of the Italian National Recovery and Resilience Plan (NRRP). In comparing its two versions (Conte Draft and Draghi Plan), we want to understand whether the change of government impacted on the contents of the NRRP and, in turn, on interest groups' preference attainment. To do so, we coded around 800 public statements following a multi-media approach. Interest groups' general appraisal for the NRRP grew with the change of government, while business groups greatly increased their degree of preference attainment. This within-case longitudinal comparison assesses the importance of governments' partisan composition to account for interest groups' success in the policymaking.

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“…These studies indicate that there are relevant reasons to expect system-level differences related to aspects such as policy access (e.g., Cekik, 2022;Hanegraaff et al, 2020;Rozbicka et al, 2021, pp. 161-180), Europeanisation (e.g., Borragán, 2004;Cekik, 2017;Czarnecki & Riedel, 2021;Fink-Hafner et al, 2015;Obradovic et al, 2008), and relations to political parties (e.g., Císař & Vráblíková, 2019;Czarnecki & Piotrowska, 2021).…”

Section: Internal Voice As An Indicator Of Representative Norms Withi...mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Representative Potential of Interest Groups: Internal Voice in Post-Communist and Western European Countries

Berkhout

Beyers²,

Hanegraaff³

2022

PaG

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Why do some interest group systems provide group members with more elaborate voice opportunities than other systems? We argue that evaluating membership voice is important for understanding the representative potential of interest group systems. An adequate understanding of “voice” forms the basis of “context”-embedded assessments of benchmarks such as interest group bias, interest group representational distortion, and interest group-driven policy overload. We examine two competing hypotheses on the differences in internal voice in Eastern and Western Europe. Primarily, case-specific arguments lead us to expect a weaker internal voice in post-communist Eastern Europe compared to Western Europe. Conversely, some theoretical approaches, such as population ecological organisational theory, lead us to expect a relatively weak membership voice in the organisationally saturated Western European systems. We assess these two hypotheses on the basis of an international survey of interest group leaders and observe, in line with the population ecological hypothesis, that members of Western European interest groups, compared to those in post-communist countries, are perceived as having less influential voices in internal decisions on policy positions. We conclude, neither optimistically nor pessimistically, that there is a meaningful representative potential of interest group systems supporting democratic societies, also, or even especially, in the post-communist countries studied.

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Interest groups and political parties in Central and Eastern Europe

Cited by 4 publications

References 68 publications

Interest Group Strategic Responses to Democratic Backsliding

Interest Group Strategic Responses to Democratic Backsliding

Change of government and interest groups' preference attainment on the formulation of the Italian National Recovery and Resilience Plan (NRRP): from Conte to Draghi

The Representative Potential of Interest Groups: Internal Voice in Post-Communist and Western European Countries

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