Intergenerational Mobility in Relative Educational Attainment and Health-Related Behaviours

Gugushvili, Alexi; McKee, Martin; Murphy, Michael J.; Azarova, Aytalina; Irdam, Darja; Doniec, Katarzyna; King, Lawrence

doi:10.1007/s11205-017-1834-7

Cited by 24 publications

(18 citation statements)

References 80 publications

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“…Relative social mobility uses different cut-off points for parental and one's own SEP measures, whereas absolute social mobility uses similar classifications for parental and own SEP. Relative social mobility has been argued to be a more appropriate way to capture the impact of social mobility on health and health-related behavior compared to absolute mobility, which does not take into account societal changes in SEP ( Galobardes et al, 2006 ; Gugushvili et al, 2019 ). However, that choice also led to a high number of participants with stable low SEP and a small number of participants with upward social mobility.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Intergenerational social mobility and body mass index trajectories – A follow-up study from Finland

Salmela

Lallukka

Kanerva

et al. 2021

SSM - Population Health

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Evidence remains unclear on how intergenerational social mobility is associated with body mass index (BMI) and its long-term changes. Our study identified BMI trajectories from middle to older age by intergenerational social mobility groups and stratified the analyses by gender and two birth cohorts (birth years 1940‒1947 and 1950–1962). We used questionnaire-based cohort data that consists of four survey phases: 2000–2002, 2007, 2012, and 2017. In Phase 1, participants were 40–60-year-old employees of the City of Helsinki, Finland. Our analytical sample consisted of 6,971 women and 1,752 men. Intergenerational social mobility was constructed based on self-reported parental and own education—both divided into high and low—yielding four groups: stable high socioeconomic position (SEP) (high-high), upward social mobility (low-high), downward social mobility (high-low), and stable low SEP (low-low). BMI was calculated from self-reported height and weight from all four phases. Using mixed-effects linear regression, we found increasing BMI trajectories in all four social mobility groups until the age of 65. Women and men with stable high SEP had lower BMI trajectories compared to those with stable low SEP. In the younger birth cohort, women with upward social mobility had a lower BMI trajectory than women with stable low SEP. Additionally, women and men with downward social mobility had higher BMI trajectories than those with stable high SEP. In the older birth cohort, however, the BMI trajectories of upward and downward social mobility groups were somewhat similar and settled between the BMI trajectories of stable high and stable low SEP groups. Our results indicate that the associations between intergenerational social mobility and BMI may depend on gender and birth cohort. Nevertheless, to reduce socioeconomic inequalities in unhealthy weight gain, obesity prevention actions that focus on people who are likely to remain in low SEP might be worthwhile.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Intergenerational social mobility and body mass index trajectories – A follow-up study from Finland

Salmela

Lallukka

Kanerva

et al. 2021

SSM - Population Health

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“…We did not identify any longitudinal studies of the long-term impacts of coping strategies in our review. Future efforts to collect longitudinal data might include research that spans generations, given that several of the coping strategies identified can be expected to have important intergenerational consequences, and the emerging body of research on the health effects of intergenerational mobility 67. This could shed light on the complex and dynamic processes that influence how households will be affected by healthcare costs 68…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Coping with healthcare costs for chronic illness in low-income and middle-income countries: a systematic literature review

et al. 2019

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BackgroundExperiencing illness in low-income and middle-income countries (LMICs) can incur very high out-of-pocket (OOP) payments for healthcare and, while the existing literature typically focuses on levels of expenditure, it rarely examines what happens when households do not have the necessary money. Some will adopt one or more ‘coping strategies’, such as borrowing money, perhaps at exorbitant interest rates, or selling assets, some necessary for their future income, with detrimental long-term effects. This is particularly relevant for chronic illnesses that require consistent, long-term OOP payments. We systematically review the literature on strategies for financing OOP costs of chronic illnesses in LMICs, their correlates and their impacts on households.MethodsWe searched MEDLINE, EconLit, EMBASE, Global Health and Scopus on 22 October 2018 for literature published on or after 1 January 2000. We included qualitative or quantitative studies describing at least one coping strategy for chronic illness OOP payments in a LMIC context. Our narrative review follows Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses reporting guidelines.ResultsForty-seven papers were included. Studies identified coping strategies for chronic illness costs that are not traditionally addressed in financial risk protection research (eg, taking children out of school, sending them to work, reducing expenditure on food or education, quitting work to give care). Twenty studies reported socioeconomic or other correlates of coping strategies, with poorer households and those with more advanced disease more vulnerable to detrimental strategies. Only six studies (three cross-sectional and three qualitative) included evidence of impacts of coping strategies on households, including increased labour to repay debts and discontinuing treatment.ConclusionsMonitoring of financial risk protection provides an incomplete picture if it fails to capture the effect of coping strategies. This will require qualitative and longitudinal research to understand the long-term effects, especially those associated with chronic illness in LMICs.

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“…There is expending scholarship which investigates the links between individuals’ objective experience of intergenerational mobility and various outcomes such as redistribution preferences (Jaime-Castillo and Marqués-Perales, 2019), life satisfaction (Chan, 2018), and health (Präg and Richards, 2019). Nonetheless, since the theorised pathways of the consequences of intergenerational mobility almost exclusively refer to various psycho-social mechanisms (Gugushvili, Zhao, et al, 2019), it is of utmost importance to consider not only the implications of objective intergenerational mobility, but also its reflection in the minds of individuals. The subjective aspect of intergenerational mobility, however, with a few exceptions (Bar-haim, 2018; Kelley and Kelley, 2009), has been largely overlooked in sociological research.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Why do people perceive themselves as being downwardly or upwardly mobile?

Gugushvili

2020

Acta Sociologica

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This study explores individual and contextual explanations of why some people perceive themselves as being mobile and others do not. While subjective social position in recent decades has become an important topic of sociological enquiry, only a handful of studies explicitly investigate the nature of subjective perception of intergenerational mobility. When assessing their performance in comparison to their parents, individuals are likely to consider many other aspects of their lives than the attainment of socio-economic position. For empirical analysis, I operationalise an objective indicator of intergenerational mobility, often assumed to be the central explanation of perceptions of mobility, by means of intergenerational educational trajectories. In addition to exploring individual-level explanations, I use multilevel mixed-effects Poisson regression models to test how contextual environment is associated with perceived intergenerational mobility across 35 societies in Europe, the Middle East and Central Asia. Results indicate that an objective measure of intergenerational mobility and other individual-level factors are important explanations of subjective intergenerational mobility. Further, the difference in economic development between individuals’ birth years and the year of interview is the most salient contextual factor explaining perceived intergenerational mobility, while contemporary economic development and short-term economic growth also reduce the likelihood of perceived downward mobility. The findings of this study contribute to sociological literature by highlighting the importance of contextual environment and factors beyond socio-economic characteristics for individuals’ perception of intergenerational mobility.

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Intergenerational Mobility in Relative Educational Attainment and Health-Related Behaviours

Cited by 24 publications

References 80 publications

Intergenerational social mobility and body mass index trajectories – A follow-up study from Finland

Intergenerational social mobility and body mass index trajectories – A follow-up study from Finland

Coping with healthcare costs for chronic illness in low-income and middle-income countries: a systematic literature review

Why do people perceive themselves as being downwardly or upwardly mobile?

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