Intergenerational transmission of relative fertility and life course patterns

Anderton, Douglas L.; Tsuya, Noriko O.; Bean, Lee L.; Mineau, Geraldine P.

doi:10.2307/2061386

Cited by 120 publications

(89 citation statements)

References 18 publications

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“…Substantial cultural components in the transmission of life course characteristics over the generations have been found in earlier studies, but to our knowledge, age at first marriage has hardly ever been included among these traits (except for Anderton et al 1987). For social and cultural reasons, age at first reproduction was strongly affected by age at first marriage.…”

Section: Conclusion and Discussionmentioning

confidence: 65%

“…It is suggested that the selection gradient on age at first reproduction has changed over time as a consequence of changes in environmentally caused variation and cultural transmission of this life-history trait (Kirk et al 2001;Pettay et al 2005). Since the age at reproduction in historical populations is to a large degree dependent on the age at marriage (Anderton et al 1987), the study of the intergenerational transmission of age at marriage offers an opportunity to test the effect of cultural changes.…”

Section: Hypotheses On the Role Of Intergenerational Transmission In mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Although statements about the effect of the shift from a family-based to an individualbased orientation are frequently found in the historical and sociological literature, studies in which the similarity of marriage characteristics over the generations are studied are rare (Alter and Oris 1999;Anderton et al 1987;Levine 1982). Historical studies are often not of sufficient size to detect similarities in behavior between generations because the usual techniques such as family reconstitutions rarely allow researchers to follow populations over long periods of time, or they are based on genealogies of atypical populations (Murphy and Wang 2002).…”

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confidence: 99%

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Marriage Timing over the Generations

Poppel

Monden

Mandemakers

2008

Hum Nat

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Strong relationships have been hypothesized between the timing of marriage and the familial environment of the couple. Sociologists have identified various mechanisms via which the age at marriage in the parental generation might be related to the age at marriage of the children. In our paper we study this relationship for historical populations. We use a dataset consisting of several hundreds of thousands of marriages contracted in three of the 11 Dutch provinces between 1812 and 1922. We identified the generational links between the brides, grooms, their parents, and grandparents. We studied (a) whether there is a relationship between ages at marriage of (grandfathers) fathers and sons, and ages at marriage of (grandmothers) mothers and daughters and (b) whether this relationship might be explained by social class. We find evidence for a clear effect of the family on age at marriage and substantial intergenerational transmission. The impact that the family of origin has on age at entry into marriage can partly be attributed to social class. We also observed positive effects of grandparents' age at marriage on their offspring's age at marriage.

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Section: Conclusion and Discussionmentioning

confidence: 65%

Section: Hypotheses On the Role Of Intergenerational Transmission In mentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Marriage Timing over the Generations

Poppel

Monden

Mandemakers

2008

Hum Nat

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“…Moreover, as pointed out by Smith et al (Smith et al, 2002), upward genealogical transfer may be limited by the fact that adult children are themselves rearing offspring of their own. Given that fertility patterns are transmitted across generations (Anderton et al, 1987;Gagnon and Heyer, 2001b), the capacity of children to provide assistance to their parents may be further reduced in high parity lineages. This argument suggests that, in natural fertility populations, parents with many children could be adversely rather than beneficially affected, since their children will devote resources to their own children (Smith et al, 2002).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Postreproductive Longevity in a Natural Fertility Population

Gagnon

Mazan

Desjardins

et al. 2008

Kinship and Demographic Behavior in the Past

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Fertility patterns may be useful markers for rates of biological aging. Based on evolutionary and socio-demographic approaches to historical data from the population of Québec (taken from the Registre de population du Québec ancien at the University of Montreal), we examine the effects of reproduction on longevity. Using Cox hazard models on about 2,000 couples married in the colony before 1740, we show that women bearing their last child late in life had longer post-reproductive lives, suggesting that late menopause is associated with an overall slower rate of aging. Increased parity had an opposite, detrimental effect on women's post-reproductive survival. On the other hand, husband's longevity was less sensitive to parity and reproductive history. For husbands increased effective family size (EFS; the number of children who survived up to age 18) in a "compressed" reproductive time-span meant higher chances for survival past age 60.Children may serve as strong economical assets on farmstead during colonization, which would mostly benefit fathers. In a collaborative effort to unveil post-reproductive aging patterns in historical populations, the results are compared to previous analyses conducted on the Utah population database and evolutionary and socio-demographic theories addressed in light of the results.3

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“…A quite high proportion of Italian women may therefore be culturally oriented to stop work after a child is born, or may prefer to ask grandparents to look after the newborn baby. A family-oriented approach is also often transmitted from one generation to the next (see, e.g., Anderton et al 1987;Booth and Kee 2009) and family-oriented parents may in turn be the children of parents more willing to make themselves available to look after their grandchildren.…”

Section: Opportunity Cost Family Preferences and Strong Family Tiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Childcare and participation at work in North-East Italy: Why do Italian and foreign mothers behave differently?

2015

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This paper examines two of the decision-making processes following the birth of a child: whether a working mother should continue with her job, and whether the couple should provide the child with formal childcare. Focusing on Padova and its district (North-East Italy), differences in the strategies of Italian and foreign mothers are discussed, controlling for socio-economic status, opinions on women's roles, and family structure, according to the Blinder-Oaxaca decomposition. Six to thirty-six months after the birth of a child, the proportion of foreign mothers who are not employed is more than double that of Italian mothers (51% vs. 21%). In addition, 25% of Italian women entrust their children to the care of their parents and in-laws, vs. only 13% of foreign women. Although there are differences in the effects of individual characteristics on participation at work across the two groups, what matters most is the different composition of the Italian and foreign women's groups, especially as regards education, partners' characteristics and attitudes towards the job market and motherhood. As regards the maximum price a couple is willing to pay for formal childcare, intended to represent parents' preferences for formal childcare, differences between the two groups are also mainly explained by differences in composition.

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Intergenerational transmission of relative fertility and life course patterns

Cited by 120 publications

References 18 publications

Marriage Timing over the Generations

Marriage Timing over the Generations

Postreproductive Longevity in a Natural Fertility Population

Childcare and participation at work in North-East Italy: Why do Italian and foreign mothers behave differently?

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