Intergovernmental Relations in the UK: Continuity in a Time of Change?

McEwen, Nicola; Swenden, Wilfried; Bolleyer, Nicole

doi:10.1111/j.1467-856x.2011.00486.x

Cited by 24 publications

(14 citation statements)

References 26 publications

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“…and federalism, what we might term multinationalism studies also foregrounds questions of identity and citizenship, and so can constitute a rich sub-field of comparative politics; one that is distinct (though obviously related to) the study of territorial politics (McEwen et al, 2012). Typically focused on 'states that have restructured themselves to accommodate significant sub-state nationalist movements' (Kymlicka.…”

Section: Multinationalism Studiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Looking up in Scotland? Multinationalism, multiculturalism and political elites

Meer¹

2015

Ethnic and Racial Studies

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At a time when all the political parties of Scotland are trying to establish a persuasive vision of the nation, inquiry into where ethnic and racial minorities fit into these debates provides one understudied means of bridging literatures on multinationalism and multiculturalism. Focusing especially on the lesser known question of how elite political actors are positioning minorities within projects of nation building, this article draws upon original empirical data in which three predominant clusters emerge. The first centres on an aspirational pluralism, the second concerns competing ways in which the legacy of Scotland's Empire resonates, and the third points to potential limitations in minority claims-making and recognition The article illustrates how elite political actors can play a vital role in ensuring that appeals to nationhood in Scotland can be meaningfully calibrated to include minorities too.

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Section: Multinationalism Studiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Looking up in Scotland? Multinationalism, multiculturalism and political elites

Meer¹

2015

Ethnic and Racial Studies

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“…As well as bringing party competition to the intergovernmental arena, this period heralded revisions to the devolution settlement, giving the Scotland Office a key role in steering new devolution legislation through the legislative and implementation process. 6 However, its dual role of advancing Scotland's interests in the UK government and advancing the UK government's interests in Scotland has, at times, appeared to tilt towards the latter, weakening its capacity to act as a voice for Scotland in national decision-making.…”

Section: Devolution and The Weakness Of Shared Rule In The Ukmentioning

confidence: 99%

Between Autonomy and Interdependence: The Challenges of Shared Rule after the Scottish Referendum

McEwen¹,

Petersohn²

2015

Political Quarterly

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Drawing on the distinction between self‐rule and shared rule in multilevel states, this article argues that shared rule has been the neglected element of the UK devolution settlement. The ability of the devolved administrations to participate in, and influence, national decision making through shared rule mechanisms is very limited. The article argues that the lack of shared rule is especially problematic in light of the increasing complexity of the Scottish devolution settlement in the wake of the Scotland Act 2012 and the Smith commission report. Smith, in particular, seems set to increase both the power of the Scottish Parliament and its dependence on UK policy decisions in the areas of tax, welfare and the economy. Creating a more robust intergovernmental system which could manage these new interdependencies will be a significant challenge, and yet, without such a system, the new settlement will be difficult to sustain.

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“…They cannot realistically expect a formalized right, however, to participate in the making of all UK legislation or in policies that may affect devolved policy interests (TRENCH, 2007). Since 1999, the secretaries of state for Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales no longer have the prominence in the UK cabinet which they had prior to devolution and their capacity to act as intermediaries between the UK and devolved governments has weakened since these administrations are no longer composed of the same parties (largely the case since 2007; MCEWEN et al, 2012). In this sense, the UK stands apart from Spain, where the deepening of self-rule has gone hand in hand with a progressive strengthening of shared rule mechanisms (AJA AND COLINO, 2014)…”

Section: Shared Rule or The Participation Of Regions In Central Decismentioning

confidence: 99%

Autocracy-Sustaining Versus Democratic Federalism: Explaining the Divergent Trajectories of Territorial Politics in Russia and Western Europe

Obydenkova

Swenden

2013

Territory, Politics, Governance

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This article provides a comparative assessment of territorial politics in Russia and Western Europe. The consolidation or deepening of regional autonomy in Western Europe contrasts with the transformation of Russia from a segmented and highly centrifugal state into a centralized authoritarian state in the course of just two decades. The consolidation of territorial politics in Western Europe is linked to the presence of endogenous safeguards that are built into their territorial constitutional designs and most importantly to the dynamics that emanate from multi-level party competition in the context of a liberal and multi-level democracy. In contrast, in Russia, neither endogenous safeguards nor multi-level party democracy play an important role in explaining the dynamics of Russian federalism, but who controls key state resources instead. We argue that under Putin power dependencies between the Russian center and the regions are strongest where regional democracy is at its weakest, thus producing 'autocracy-sustaining' instead of a democratic federation. By studying the relationship between federalism and democracy in cases where both concepts are mutually reinforcing (as in Western Europe) with the critical case of Russia where they are not, we question the widely held view that democracy is a necessary pre-condition for federalism.EXTRACTO En este artículo ofrecemos una valoración comparativa de la política territorial en Rusia y Europa occidental. La consolidación o profundización de la autonomía regional en Europa occidental contrasta con la transformación de Rusia que en tan solo dos decenios ha pasado de ser un Estado segmentado y sumamente centrífugo a un Estado autoritario y centralizado. La consolidación de la política territorial en Europa occidental está vinculada a la presencia de protecciones endógenas que se incorporan en sus diseños constitucionales territoriales, y, lo que es más importante, en las dinámicas que emanan de la competencia de partidos de varios niveles en el contexto de una democracia liberal y de muchos niveles. Por el contrario, en Rusia ni las protecciones endógenas ni una democracia de partidos de varios niveles desempeñan un papel importante a la hora de explicar las dinámicas del federalismo de Rusia, sino más bien la cuestión de quién controla los principales recursos estatales . Sostenemos que bajo Putin las dependencias de poder entre el centro de Rusia y sus regiones son más fuertes donde la democracia regional es más débil, creándose así una federación que 'respalda la autocracia' en vez de una federación democrática. Al estudiar la relación entre el federalismo y la democracia en los casos en los que ambos conceptos se refuerzan mutuamente (como en Europa occidental), con el caso crítico de Rusia donde esto no ocurre, cuestionamos la opinión mayoritaria de que la democracia es una precondición necesaria para el federalismo.

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Intergovernmental Relations in the UK: Continuity in a Time of Change?

Cited by 24 publications

References 26 publications

Looking up in Scotland? Multinationalism, multiculturalism and political elites

Looking up in Scotland? Multinationalism, multiculturalism and political elites

Between Autonomy and Interdependence: The Challenges of Shared Rule after the Scottish Referendum

Autocracy-Sustaining Versus Democratic Federalism: Explaining the Divergent Trajectories of Territorial Politics in Russia and Western Europe

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