Internal party democracy in former rebel parties

Sindre, Gyda Marås

doi:10.1177/1354068814550436

Cited by 37 publications

(33 citation statements)

References 28 publications

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“…A demonstrated commitment to democratization and good governance has increasingly been recognized by self-determination scholars as a prerequisite for unrecognized states to obtain membership in the international system of states (Broers 2014; Caspersen 2012; Clark 2001; Jo 2015; Seymour 2017; Voller 2015: 612). The same logic can be extended to rebel claims for non-secessionist autonomy, where some demonstration of institution-building or effective governance capacity is seen as necessary by armed rebels to be seen as effective rulers (Podder 2017; Policzer 2006; Sindre 2016).…”

Section: Politico-military Organizations Self-determination and Rebementioning

confidence: 98%

Explaining the Kurdish Democratic Union Party's Self-Governance Practices in Northern Syria, 2012–18

Ozcelik

2019

Gov. & oppos.

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On 17 March 2016 the Kurdish Democratic Union Party (Partîya Yekîtî ya Dêmokrat, PYD) unilaterally proclaimed the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria in three cantons, Afrin and Kobane in northern Aleppo province, and Jazira in Hassakeh. The party's ideology claims to endorse the participation of civilians and certain Arab tribes and minorities in its governance councils. However, the PYD and its armed militia, the People's Protection Units (Yekîneyên Parastina Gel, YPG), have been accused of committing human rights violations against civilians and installing one-party rule. Given its stated normative commitments and ideas on democracy, this ideology–practice gap begs the question: what factors facilitated the PYD to conform to its democratic pronouncements on power-sharing and inclusivity under certain conditions and, conversely, what factors permitted their abandonment or violation? By analysing the PYD's governance record and strategies in northern Syria between 2012 and 2018, this article argues that the PYD displayed a mix of democratic adherence and transgression in its governance practices. This has meant that the PYD engaged hybrid mechanisms of democracy-building, coercion, displacement and violence in order to consolidate territorial control and assert ideological hegemony. I argue that complex networks of local, state and third-party interests complicate Kurdish self-rule in Syria, requiring a multilevel approach to understand the interrelated challenges to democratization in the post-war transition. I identify four major types of relations that have influenced the PYD's hybrid governance practices: intra-organizational factionalism; civilian–rebel relations, especially in mixed demographic areas; international sponsors and rivals; and rebel–regime relations.

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Section: Politico-military Organizations Self-determination and Rebementioning

confidence: 98%

Explaining the Kurdish Democratic Union Party's Self-Governance Practices in Northern Syria, 2012–18

Ozcelik

2019

Gov. & oppos.

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“…We base our measure of internal ''democracy'' Sindre (2014). Sindre identifies three primary ways to measure ''internal democracy'', particularly institutionalization, decentralization, and inclusiveness.…”

Section: Ishiyama and Marshallmentioning

confidence: 99%

What explains former rebel party name changes after a civil conflict ends? External and internal factors and the transition to political competition

Ishiyama

Marshall

2015

Party Politics

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The transformation of rebel groups into political parties has captured the attention of scholars of both conflict studies and of party transformation. In this paper we examine the question of rebel party image change by investigating the causes of name changes adopted by a rebel organization as it transforms into a political party after the end of a civil conflict. We develop an analytical framework based upon the extensive literature on party identity change in the West, and apply it to the name changes of rebel parties. Using an original data set of 54 former rebel organizations, we find that factors internal to the organization (such as the degree of inclusivity and the origins of the rebel organization) explain name change more than factors related to the post conflict environment.

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“…The structural group covers predominantly the structural characteristics of political parties and their systems. Typical examples would be studies of party organisation (Sindre 2016;Reilly 2006), party leadership and candidate recruitment (Khazen 2003 or effects of foreign aid (Marshall 2017;Nenadović 2010). This division should not be understood as rigid, since none of the referenced works focuses on one issue only.…”

Section: Political Parties and War Legacies: Institutionalising Past mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…These works also have much in common when it comes to their methodological approaches. Most published research centres either on one case or on a small number of cases which are examined mostly through qualitative empirical strategies like oral histories or in-depth archival and historical research (Reilly 2001;Sindre 2016). Only a handful of studies have approached the analysis of political parties in post-conflict environments from a medium-or large-N quantitative perspective.…”

Section: Political Parties and War Legacies: Institutionalising Past mentioning

confidence: 99%

Modelling the Legacies of War Violence: Voters, Parties, Communities

Glaurdić

Lesschaeve

Mochťak

2019

AHPD

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wars are extreme events with profound social consequences. political science, however, has a limited grasp of their impact on the nature and content of political competition which follows in their wake. that is partly the case due to a lack of conceptual clarity when it comes to capturing the effects of war with reliable data. this article systematises and evaluates the attempts at modelling the consequences of war in political science research which relies on quantitative methods. our discussion is organised around three levels of analysis: individual level of voters, institutional level of political parties, and the aggregate level of communities. we devote particular attention to modelling the legacies of the most recent wars in southeast europe, and we offer our view of which efforts have the best potential to help set the foundations of a promising research programme.

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Internal party democracy in former rebel parties

Cited by 37 publications

References 28 publications

Explaining the Kurdish Democratic Union Party's Self-Governance Practices in Northern Syria, 2012–18

Explaining the Kurdish Democratic Union Party's Self-Governance Practices in Northern Syria, 2012–18

What explains former rebel party name changes after a civil conflict ends? External and internal factors and the transition to political competition

Modelling the Legacies of War Violence: Voters, Parties, Communities

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