Internal Working Models, Trust, and Sharing among Foragers

Hewlett, Barry S.; Lamb, Michael E.; Leyendecker, Birgit; Schölmerich, Axel

doi:10.1086/300135

Cited by 76 publications

(71 citation statements)

References 23 publications

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“…Young forager infants were often breastfed by other women, generally aunts and grandmothers (sometimes even fathers offered their breast), whereas among farmers, breastfeeding by other women was thought to cause infant sickness and was not practised except under unusual circumstances. Forager caregivers were significantly more likely than farmer caregivers to respond to infant crying, and farmer infants cried significantly longer and more frequently than did forager infants [39,44]. Hunter -gatherer infants and young children were held twice as often as neighbouring farmers, and this additional holding came from many different individuals-fathers, grandmothers, siblings and others.…”

Section: Cultural and Demographic Contexts Of Congo Basin Hunter -Gatmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Social learning among Congo Basin hunter–gatherers

Hewlett

Fouts

Boyette

et al. 2011

Phil. Trans. R. Soc. B

346

167

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This paper explores childhood social learning among Aka and Bofi hunter -gatherers in Central Africa. Existing literature suggests that hunter-gatherer social learning is primarily vertical (parent-to-child) and that teaching is rare. We use behavioural observations, open-ended and semi-structured interviews, and informal and anecdotal observations to examine the modes (e.g. vertical versus horizontal/oblique) and processes (e.g. teaching versus observation and imitation) of cultural transmission. Cultural and demographic contexts of social learning associated with the modes and processes of cultural transmission are described. Hunter -gatherer social learning occurred early, was relatively rapid, primarily vertical under age 5 and oblique and horizontal between the ages of 6 and 12. Pedagogy and other forms of teaching existed as early as 12 months of age, but were relatively infrequent by comparison to other processes of social learning such as observation and imitation.

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Section: Cultural and Demographic Contexts Of Congo Basin Hunter -Gatmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Allomaternal care is pronounced in hunter-gatherers [39], and it would be surprising to find that individuals other than parents did not influence cultural transmission.…”

Section: Modes and Processes Of Social Learning (A) Modes Of Transmismentioning

confidence: 99%

Social learning among Congo Basin hunter–gatherers

Hewlett

Fouts

Boyette

et al. 2011

Phil. Trans. R. Soc. B

346

167

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Their homes are approximately 40×20 ft (12.2×6.1 m) and have 1-3 rooms (Hewlett et al 2000b). One or two additional, extended family members often reside in a household, although many Ngandu households are limited to immediate families.…”

Section: The Ngandu Farmersmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Extended families build homes close to each other (approximately 10 ft [3 m] apart). Homes are not separated by structures or fences (Hewlett et al 2000b), leading to daily contact with others even if they do not reside in the same home. Two factors, however, distance contact between individuals: (1) Ngandu homes, unlike Aka huts, are not open-doors and windows offer private environments for families; and (2) women's subsistence activities, when at their farms, separate them from potential caregivers for significant portions of the day.…”

Section: The Ngandu Farmersmentioning

confidence: 99%

Maternal Time Allocation in Two Cooperative Childrearing Societies

Meehan

2009

Hum Nat

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This paper examines maternal trade-offs between subsistence/economic activities and caregiving, and it explores the effect of allomaternal investment on maternal time allocation and child care. I examine how nonmaternal investment in two multiple caregiving populations may offset possible risk factors associated with reductions in maternal caregiving. Behavioral observations were conducted on 8-to 12-month-old infants and their caregivers among the Aka tropical forest foragers and Ngandu farmers of Central Africa. Analysis demonstrates that mothers face tradeoffs between subsistence/economic activities and infant care. Infants receive less investment when their mothers engage in subsistence/economic activities, indicating a potential risk to those infants. However, results indicate that allomothers target their assistance during times when mothers are engaged in work activities, partially offsetting potential risks associated with the maternal trade-off. The effects of intercultural variability on maternal time allocation and allomaternal investment are also explored as a means of examining the potential impact of their behaviors on infant care.Humans, who display a wide range of cooperative child-rearing behaviors and often rely on multiple individuals to assist with child care, fall under the umbrella of cooperative breeding species (Hrdy 2005a, b, 2009). Cooperative breeders require investment beyond maternal investment for the successful rearing

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“…The Efe appeared to have much more nonmaternal involvement in caregiving (Morelli and Tronick 1991;Tronick et al 1987Tronick et al , 1992. Observations of the Aka revealed that 55% of infants received some breastfeeding by women other than their mothers, although only in the first few months of life (Hewlett et al 2000), and that fathers had an exceptionally large role (Hewlett 1991). Although there was considerable variation in allocare among the Aka, infants received a similar overall level of care (Meehan 2005).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Who Responds to Crying?

Kruger

2010

Hum Nat

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Kung San (Bushman) hunter-gatherers have unusually high levels of mother-infant contact and represent one of the environments of human evolutionary adaptedness (EEAs). Studies among the !Kung show that levels of crying-the most basic sign of mammalian infant distress-are low, and response to crying is high, and some suggest that responses are overwhelmingly maternal. We show that although !Kung mothers respond to crying most often, one-third of crying bouts are managed solely by someone else. Mothers responded to all bouts lasting ≥30 s, but in half of these responses they were joined by one or more others. Mothers are the most consistent responders, but multiple caregiving is common. The mother is rarely alone when her baby cries; others often substitute or join her in interventions. This social support may facilitate the high levels of maternal responsiveness characteristic of the !Kung, and of hunter-gatherers generally, but it is also consistent with recent theory emphasizing nonmaternal care (allocare) and cooperative breeding.Recent thinking about the evolution of human reproductive adaptations has highlighted the possible role of cooperative breeding as a key factor in the success of our species. Grandmothers, other adult female relatives, fathers, and dependent children have all been viewed as contributing to the diffusion of infant and child care that may have played a role in hominization (

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Internal Working Models, Trust, and Sharing among Foragers

Cited by 76 publications

References 23 publications

Social learning among Congo Basin hunter–gatherers

Social learning among Congo Basin hunter–gatherers

Maternal Time Allocation in Two Cooperative Childrearing Societies

Who Responds to Crying?

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