2019
DOI: 10.1007/s11558-019-09353-1
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International organizations in a new era of populist nationalism

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Cited by 106 publications
(45 citation statements)
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“…Recent electoral contests in Western Europe, Latin America, and the US showcase the "political limits of globalization" (Acemoglu and Yared 2010;Rodrik 2012) and the fragility of the modern liberal world order. Arguably, the key factor that has introduced "noise" and unexplained volatility into the post-war paradigm of output legitimacy and "embedded liberalism" (Ruggie 1982) has been the corrosive effect of globalization on democratic politics in the form of heightened sovereignty costs (Copelovitch and Pevehouse 2019).…”
Section: The Input and Output Legitimacy Of Party Systemsmentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…Recent electoral contests in Western Europe, Latin America, and the US showcase the "political limits of globalization" (Acemoglu and Yared 2010;Rodrik 2012) and the fragility of the modern liberal world order. Arguably, the key factor that has introduced "noise" and unexplained volatility into the post-war paradigm of output legitimacy and "embedded liberalism" (Ruggie 1982) has been the corrosive effect of globalization on democratic politics in the form of heightened sovereignty costs (Copelovitch and Pevehouse 2019).…”
Section: The Input and Output Legitimacy Of Party Systemsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…"Brexit" in the UK, Trump's victory in the US, and the contemporaneous rise of right-wing nativist populism in the European "North" and left-wing redistributionist populism in the European "South" can all be viewed through the same prism of a populist backlash against the "straitjacket" of economic globalization and political integration (Algan et al 2017;Autor et al 2017;Colantone and Stanig 2018;Guiso et al 2017;Rodrik 2017). Effectively, the common thread that connects all these electoral results is that of increasing party-system polarization and party extremism stemming from the increasing "sovereignty costs" of supranational integration and economic interdependence (Copelovitch and Pevehouse 2019).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…A rapidly growing literature investigates the causes and consequences of backlash against international institutions, including international courts (Alter, Gathii and Helfer, 2016;Madsen, Cebulak and Wiebusch, 2018;Sandholtz, Bei and Caldwell, 2018;Hobolt, 2016;Walter, 2018;Abebe and Ginsburg, 2019;Copelovitch and Pevehouse, 2019). Backlash refers to government actions aiming to curb the authority of an international institution.…”
Section: A Liberal Backlashmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Liberal international institutions are increasingly challenged by consolidated democracies for being overly interventionist. While a growing literature considers the causes of backlash (Alter, Gathii and Helfer, 2016;Madsen, Cebulak and Wiebusch, 2018;Sandholtz, Bei and Caldwell, 2018;Hobolt, 2016;Walter, 2018;Abebe and Ginsburg, 2019;Copelovitch and Pevehouse, 2019;Naoi, 2020), we know less about how backlash affects institutional behavior. Do liberal institutions accommodate democratic critics by intervening less in the domestic affairs of democracies?…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The impact of globalization on the institutional structure occurs not only through formal and informal institutions, but also through other mechanisms. A particularly important role here is played by the impact through the new emerging in the context of globalization, previously did not take place at all numerous supranational institutions, interacting both among themselves and with the institutions of individual nation-States [19][20][21]. They are classified on various grounds, for example, a) by purpose: political; economic; financial (EU -EU, G7 -G7, CSTO, African Union; WTO, OPEC, NAFTA, APEC; IMF, world Bank -WB, IBRD, and many others.…”
Section: Impact Of Globalization On the Institutional Structure Of Somentioning
confidence: 99%