International Organizations, Nongovernmental Organizations, and Police Implementation of Domestic Violence Policies in Liberia and Nicaragua

Medie, Peace A.; Walsh, Shannon

doi:10.1017/s1743923x19000515

Cited by 31 publications

(14 citation statements)

References 29 publications

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“…In 2016, during the fieldwork for this study, the Comisarias de la Mujer y la Niñez were closed down by the government without explanation. 34 In April, 2018, shortly before the findings of this study were to be presented in Nicaragua, the national police opened fire with live ammunition on students protesting social security reforms. To date, over 325 individuals have been killed, and over 2000 wounded, most of them unarmed protesters.…”

Section: Bmj Global Healthmentioning

confidence: 97%

Long-term change in the prevalence of intimate partner violence: a 20-year follow-up study in León, Nicaragua, 1995-2016

et al. 2020

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IntroductionAlthough intimate partner violence (IPV) affects an estimated one out of three women globally, evidence on violence prevention is still scarce. No studies have measured long-term change in larger populations over a prolonged period.MethodsThe aim of this study was to measure changes in the prevalence of IPV in León, Nicaragua, between 1995 and 2016. The 2016 study interviewed 846 ever-partnered women aged 15 to 49 regarding experiences of physical, sexual and emotional IPV. These findings were analysed together with comparable data collected from 354 women in 1995. Multivariate logistic regression modelling was carried out on a pooled data set to identify differences between the two studies while controlling for potential confounding factors.ResultsLifetime physical IPV decreased from 54.8 to 27.6 per cent (adjusted OR (AOR) 0.37; 95% CI 0.28 to 0.49) and 12-month prevalence of physical IPV decreased from 28.2 to 8.3 per cent (AOR 0.29; 95% CI 0.20 to 0.42), respectively. Similar decreases were found in lifetime and 12-month emotional IPV. No significant difference was found in the prevalence of lifetime sexual violence between the two time periods.ConclusionsThe results suggest that the reduction in IPV was not due to demographic shifts, such as increased education or age, but reflects a true decrease in the prevalence of IPV. The decrease is not likely to have occurred on its own, and may be attributable to multisectoral efforts by the Nicaraguan government, international donors and the Nicaraguan women’s movement to increase women’s knowledge of their rights, as well as access to justice and services for survivors during this time period.

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Section: Bmj Global Healthmentioning

confidence: 97%

Long-term change in the prevalence of intimate partner violence: a 20-year follow-up study in León, Nicaragua, 1995-2016

et al. 2020

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“…Their efforts have been successful (Htun and Weldon, 2012;Weldon, 2002a;Weldon et al, 2011;Medie and Walsh, 2019). Particularly since the 1979 United Nations' (UN) Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) 2 , the Vienna Declaration from 1993, and the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action from 1995, there has been a global effort to better understand the dynamics of gender-based violence and to identify targeted policy instruments to eradicate it (Macaulay, 2000).…”

Section: The Case Of Brazilmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In addition, social movements tend to be more active in more urban and highly populated areas (Uitermark et al, 2012). Previous work has shown that women's movements are crucial for policy adoption (Htun and Weldon, 2012;Weldon, 2002a;Weldon et al, 2011;Medie and Walsh, 2019), so it is also possible that policy demand varies depending on urbanization and population size. Accordingly, we employ data from the 2010 IBGE census to add controls for the share of women in the population (% women population), the share of the population who live in urban areas (% urban population), and population size (log) 8 .…”

Section: Study 1: Municipal-level Analysismentioning

confidence: 99%

“…On the one hand, as a large body of literature shows, conservative politicians and parties tend to have fewer connections to women's civil society organizations and other progressive movements (e.g. Beckwith, 2000;Weldon et al, 2011;Medie and Walsh, 2019) and are, as a consequence, less likely to incorporate their demands into their policy agendas (e.g. Caul, 2001;Blofield et al, 2017;Beckwith and Cowell-Meyers, 2007).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Can conservatism make women more vulnerable to violence?

Araújo¹,

Gatto²

2021

Preprint

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Violence against women (VAW) affects at least 35% of women worldwide. The need to combat VAW is seemingly noncontroversial: As existing work shows, ideology does not explain governments' propensity to adopt anti-VAW legislation. Yet, effectively implementing anti-VAW legislation requires complex policy frameworks at odds with conservative values. Voters' preferences can meaningfully influence policy outputs, so can electoral conservatism make women more vulnerable to violence? Employing data from 5,570 Brazilian municipalities, we find that conservatism in the electorate is associated with the adoption of fewer anti-VAW policies. With data from a nationally-representative survey of Brazilian respondents (N=2,086), we then show that conservative voters are less likely to prioritize the need for tackling VAW. That is, the adoption of fewer anti-VAW policies in conservative municipalities reflects conservative voters’ policy preferences. Critically, our results suggest that in contexts where the electorate holds conservative preferences, policy responsiveness may incur costs to women's lives.

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“…Thus, countries have passed laws to criminalize acts such as intimate partner violence, rape, and early marriage. Some countries have also established specialized criminal justice sector mechanisms to address gender-based violence (Medie 2020;Medie and Walsh 2019). These include specialized police units, prosecutorial units, and courts, to respond to various forms of gender-based violence.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Response to Gender Based Violence in Africa

Medie

2020

The Palgrave Handbook of African Women's Studies

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While there is variation within and across countries, gender-based violence is widespread in Africa and girls and women are disproportionately affected by this violence. Increasingly, states are responding to this violence due to pressure from women's rights activists and from international organizations. This has resulted in the adoption of laws, the creation of policies, and the establishment of specialized mechanisms such as gender units within police stations to address the problem. However, states have not responded evenly and there is a deficit in the implementation of progressive laws and policies. This chapter draws on examples from across the continent to discuss the prevalence of various forms of gender-based violence and how state and nonstate actors have responded to this violence. It concludes with an argument for the provision of social, health, and legal services to survivors of gender-based violence, in addition to the strengthening of the criminal justice system.

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International Organizations, Nongovernmental Organizations, and Police Implementation of Domestic Violence Policies in Liberia and Nicaragua

Cited by 31 publications

References 29 publications

Long-term change in the prevalence of intimate partner violence: a 20-year follow-up study in León, Nicaragua, 1995-2016

Long-term change in the prevalence of intimate partner violence: a 20-year follow-up study in León, Nicaragua, 1995-2016

Can conservatism make women more vulnerable to violence?

The Response to Gender Based Violence in Africa

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