T here has been a steady stream of shifting public sentiments in the United States toward gender and sexually diverse (GSD) individuals. "Homo sexuality" was listed in the first edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM; American Psychiatric Association, Committee on Nomenclature and Statistics, 1952) as a sociopathic personality disturbance, and 21 years later, this diagnosis was replaced with the less stigmatizing "egodystonic homosexuality" (Drescher, 2015;Lev, 2013). In the 1980 edition (third ed. [DSM-III]; American Psychiatric Association, 1980), "egodystonic homo sexuality" was removed, and "gender identity disorder" was added to describe what was then called "transsexualism" (Koh, 2012). During the 2013 revision (fifth ed. [DSM-5]; American Psychiatric Association, 2013), "gender identity disorder" was renamed "gender dysphoria." The decision to maintain a diagnosis related to distress over gender identity was, in part, made to ensure that transgender and gender diverse individuals would maintain access to medically necessary treatment (Lev, 2013).Social stigma has also decreased in conjunction with increases in legal rights for GSD individuals. In the 2003 landmark case of Lawrence v. Texas, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that state laws banning consensual sexual activity between samesex adults were unconstitutional because they violated the right to privacy. Since then, a number of statutes and constitutional decisions (e.g., the Matthew Shepard and James Byrd, Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act, 2009, expanding hate crimes to include gender, sexual orientation, gender