1973
DOI: 10.1016/s0095-4470(19)31400-7
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Intonation by rule: a perceptual quest

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Cited by 109 publications
(28 citation statements)
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“…H% is higher) of H* H% and, only marginally in favour for the high variant of H*L H%, but showed least preference for the low variant of L*H H%. The rating of H*L H% is not in accordance with 't Hart and Cohen's (1973) finding that H*L H% occurred frequently at the clause boundary. The discrepancy between their finding and our result may be due to the difference in the speech material.…”
Section: Dutch Datacontrasting
confidence: 79%
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“…H% is higher) of H* H% and, only marginally in favour for the high variant of H*L H%, but showed least preference for the low variant of L*H H%. The rating of H*L H% is not in accordance with 't Hart and Cohen's (1973) finding that H*L H% occurred frequently at the clause boundary. The discrepancy between their finding and our result may be due to the difference in the speech material.…”
Section: Dutch Datacontrasting
confidence: 79%
“…In connection with such a difference between two genetically closely related languages, English and German, the interesting question arises as to what would be the preferred continuation contour in Dutch, a language that not only resembles the intonation of British English in numerous ways, but also is at the same time believed to sound rather similar to German. In a production study, 't Hart andCohen (1973, as cited in 't Hart, Collier andCohen 1990: 101-102) asked six native speakers of Dutch to read a series of Dutch proverbs, fourteen of which contained a clause boundary, and found that in two-thirds of the renditions, the clause boundary was marked by means of one of the three pitch contours, A2 (H*L H%), 1 (H* %) and E (!H*L). The distribution of these three contours in these instances was as follows: over 50% (H*L H%), about 30% (H* %), and about 20% (!H*L).…”
Section: Hypothesis 1: Preferred Continuation Pitch Contourmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…14. Tone responses for the falling tone after swapping in experiment 3. compensation for the reversed declination of overall F0 contour due to swapping. The swapping operation, though not changing the tonal categories in the tonal context for the second falling tone in the tonal sequences of \ \ \ (which is the tonal sequence having conflicting context and subject to pseudochange by the swapping operation) reverses the F0 declination, which has been found in many languages including Mandarin ('t Hart, 1973;Maeda, 1976;Pierrehumbert, 1979;G•rding, 1987), in the original signal. This reversed declination in the stimuli is compounded by listeners' expectation for the normal declination.…”
Section: Furthermore the 18% Of Low Tone Responses Should Be Considementioning
confidence: 99%
“…Figuur 3 laat de gemiddelde toonhoogtewaarden voor het Engels, Duits en Nederlands zien. Engelse sprekers hebben het grootste gemiddeld toonhoogtebereik (14 semitonen 1 , Mennen e.a., 2012), gevolgd door Duitse (11 semitonen, Mennen e.a., 2012) sprekers, Nederlandse sprekers hebben het kleinste toonhoogtebereik (6 semitonen, 't Hart & Cohen, 1973).…”
Section: Realisatieverschillen In Intonatieunclassified