The Politics of Memory in Poland and Ukraine 2021
DOI: 10.4324/9781003017349-1
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“…As we already know, these struggles not only in Central Europe are mainly associated with three areas (Hesová 2021b) – identity politics (mainly in relation to migration; e.g., Kalmar 2018), moral politics (primarily the topics of gender or sexual minorities; e.g., Żuk and Żuk 2020 1 ), and memory politics (mainly, though not exclusively, in relation to the Second World War and the former communist regime; e.g., Naxera and Krčál 2021). The large-scale controversies about memory politics that are of primary interest to us in this article can be seen in all Central European countries – they have resonated most strongly and for the longest time in Poland (e.g., Stryjek and Konieczna-Sałamatin 2021; Belavusau 2018) and Hungary (e.g., Benazzo 2017), and somewhat less strongly in Slovakia and the Czech Republic (e.g., Tomczuk 2016).…”
Section: Culture Wars Memory Politics and Czech Post-socialist Experi...mentioning
confidence: 90%
“…As we already know, these struggles not only in Central Europe are mainly associated with three areas (Hesová 2021b) – identity politics (mainly in relation to migration; e.g., Kalmar 2018), moral politics (primarily the topics of gender or sexual minorities; e.g., Żuk and Żuk 2020 1 ), and memory politics (mainly, though not exclusively, in relation to the Second World War and the former communist regime; e.g., Naxera and Krčál 2021). The large-scale controversies about memory politics that are of primary interest to us in this article can be seen in all Central European countries – they have resonated most strongly and for the longest time in Poland (e.g., Stryjek and Konieczna-Sałamatin 2021; Belavusau 2018) and Hungary (e.g., Benazzo 2017), and somewhat less strongly in Slovakia and the Czech Republic (e.g., Tomczuk 2016).…”
Section: Culture Wars Memory Politics and Czech Post-socialist Experi...mentioning
confidence: 90%
“…Finally, the transformation has manifested itself in a broad change in the sphere of values and memory. The latter involved, among other things, a turn in the public debate about the Ukrainian nation’s past ( 43 ). At the same time, phenomena indicative of state dysfunctionality, such as demographic collapse, corruption ( 44 ), the inefficiency of the judicial system ( 45 ), and the privatization of violence, extended significantly in the border regions of the armed conflict in the Donbas ( 46 ), and the influence of big business on legislative bodies persisted ( 47–49 ).…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%